This applies particularly to situations of conflict wherein an understanding of the plurality of world views and diversity of values can provide opportunities to work towards developing effective solutions (Pascual et al natural anti viral foods buy 200 mg movfor overnight delivery. Values antiviral aids purchase movfor 200 mg with mastercard, human well-being and a good quality of life the understanding of well-being and what constitutes a good quality of life is dependent on a complex mixture of values anti viral foods order movfor 200mg overnight delivery, cultures hiv infection no antibodies discount movfor 200 mg with visa, traditions and interrelationships (Latawiec & Agol hiv symptoms five years after infection purchase movfor 200mg on-line, 2016) hiv infection 3 years movfor 200 mg cheap, including the point of view of those who analyse values symptoms of hiv infection effective 200mg movfor. Some social upliftment programmes antiviral zanamivir buy movfor 200 mg mastercard, poverty reduction schemes and agricultural policies designed to enhance human well-being may compromise the environment, human well-being and good quality of life, as was the case in Boteti, Botswana. In this case, formal landuse and management institutions have negatively influenced environmental change, through overstocking, land clearance and wildlife protection in conflict with traditional uses. In order to achieve this outcome, it is also important for policymakers to avoid working in silos. The use of economics, alone, to assess projects aimed at rehabilitating and restoring degraded lands, may result 20 1. Initial assessment of social and biophysical causes of land degradation provide evidence to set long-term restoration targets including comprehensive monitoring programmes to measure outcomes and adapt actions if required (Zaldivar-Jimenez et al. Achieving successful changes to the biophysical condition is dependent on effective and well-designed biophysical and social measurements (Acuсa et al. Restoration project design needs to consider potential impacts from biophysical conditions which may hinder its success for example, through potential damage to a restoration site from hurricanes, winds, water currents, erosion and sediment. Lack of consideration may lead to projects doomed to failure (Zaldivar-Jimenez et al. Similarly, understanding monitoring and design in successful agrobiodiversity projects requires an understanding of multiple socio-ecological options which improve the sustainability of the system, while improving livelihoods and providing benefits for future generations (Jackson et al. The incorporation of effective landscapescale systematic planning over time may benefit the implementation, management and success of restoration (Fisher, 2010; Grainger et al. There are examples where planning for conservation has been ineffective (Game et al. To assess the ecological success of restoration projects, reliable measures of ecosystem health and function are beneficial (Jansson et al. Successful outcomes may benefit from an assessment of ecological conditions prior to project implementation, assessing the state of land degradation (Weinstein et al. These country commitments require significant human and financial resources, for which accountability is key to understanding if actions reduce and reverse degradation and provide climate change adaptation benefits (Murcia et al. Concerns exist in Latin America and other regions where, in response to countries commitments, large-scale restoration projects are being implemented with limited understanding of how to measure and guarantee success (Sansevero & Garbin, 2015; Aguilar et al. An understanding of restoration responses can only be accurately determined with the incorporation of accurate evidenced-based monitoring prior to , throughout and post-restoration (Sondergaard et al. Different restoration scales, ecosystem types require both their own approach and methodologies, and extensive knowledge 1. An example of an active initiative using a landscape approach is the International Partnership for the Satoyama Initiative, which comprises 172 member organisations working to help maintain and rebuild more than 65 socio-ecological production landscapes and seascapes in at least 30 countries (Denier et al. Social and ecological actions in one location often influence responses some distance away (for further discussion on this see Chapter 2, Section 2. There is a need to mainstream a landscape and systems approach into land degradation and restoration policy and for effective monitoring over time. The landscape approach provides opportunities, for example, to incorporate existing protected areas into restoration beyond site-based activities (Bowman et al. Success cases are: results driven; have been established over a long period; provide evidence of positive ecological change, socio-economic improvements; lead, for instance, to greater food security, reduction in degradation, adaptation to change, improvement in human rights; and demonstrate long-lasting gains across the three interacting groups of the operating framework criteria (Figure 1. These cases show how land conservation and restoration measures have helped to deliver improvements in livelihoods, reduce poverty and strengthen long-term sustainability of land use and the extraction of natural resources. The eight success stories are deliberately selected from different regions of the world, in different landscapes and ecosystems impacted by different degradation processes. Comparisons of success evaluation scores across cases should be conducted with caution, due to these differences. There are many other examples of successful avoidance of degradation and/or restoration of degraded land. In many regions, insufficient scientific and technical knowledge exists, while in other regions scientific and technical knowledge is very advanced (Grant & Koch, 2007). In situations where technological solutions are being considered to reduce degradation, the choice of technology can benefit by using interdisciplinary science to understand social, cultural and environmental effects. Any risks associated with the long-term outcomes of the introduction of new technologies will benefit from careful assessment (Similд et al. Nature-based solutions provide opportunities to incorporate natural responses to reduce degradation alongside limited technological approaches (Cohen-Shacham et al. The image on the left shows the structure of Lake Chilika before hydrological restoration (March 1990) and the right panel shows the structure after restoration (March 2010). The dominant floating vegetation is Eichornia crassipes and the dominant emergent vegetation is Phragmites karka. Chilika is an assemblage of shallow to very shallow marine, brackish and freshwater ecosystems. Designated as a Wetland of International Importance in 1981, Chilika is famed as one of the largest congregation sites of migrating water birds in the Central Asian Flyaway, the habitat of globally vulnerable Irrawaddy Dolphin (Orcaella brevirostris) population and has contiguous seagrass bed in the adjacent ocean exceeding 10,000 ha. The wetland went through a phase of reduced connectivity to the sea (19502000) owing to increasing sediment loads from upstream degrading catchments. As the lagoon evolved towards a freshwater environment, its fisheries rapidly declined (from an annual landing of 8600 metric tonnes in 1985/86 to 1702 metric tonnes in 1998/99), invasive freshwater aquatic plants choked the waterspread and the lagoon shrank in size. The introduction of shrimp culture in a predominantly capture fisheries setting led to the gradual breakdown of community management systems, loss of traditional fishing grounds and conflicts. The Authority was constituted as a multi-stakeholder institution, under the chairmanship of Chief Minister of the state. In 2000, a major hydrological intervention in the form of opening of a new mouth to the sea was undertaken based on modelling and stakeholder consultations. The intervention was complemented by basin-wide measures for treating degraded catchments, improving the well-being of fishers, communication and outreach on needs of integrated management and systematic ecosystem monitoring. After initial trophic bursts, the annual fish landing stabilised at nearly 13,000 metric tonnes per year. The sea grass meadows expanded from 20 km2 in 2000 to 80 km2, and a significant decline in freshwater invasive species. In 2001, the site was de-listed from Montreaux Record and the intervention recognzed with the Ramsar Wetland Conservation Award and Evian Special Prize for "wetland conservation and management initiatives". Management continues under the framework of a basin-scale stakeholder-endorsed integrated management plan. Changing patterns of extreme events (as floods and cyclones) in the region, intensification of water use in the upstream reaches and rising sea-levels are major challenges which are currently being addressed through specific research (Pattnaik & Kumar, 2016). Biophysical Conditions 1, 2, 3 combined 40/55 43/55 35/45 % Total 76% -1 1 2 3 4 5 Negative Limited Slight Slight to moderate Moderate Good * Coord. The undisturbed dunes are covered by species-rich forests and grasslands of the Maputaland centre of endemism (a "centre of endemism" is an area with an unusually high diversity of species not found elsewhere) (Wassenaar & Van Aarde, 2005) and known as a dune forest for being established on an old dune substrate. This is a fossil dune (along the coast from Richards Bay with titanium mines until Mozambique). They provide inland protection against Indian Ocean storms, and are a source of many benefits to the local communities. Extracting the heavy metal particles involves complete removal of the plant cover and topsoil, forming a freshwater pond which is dredged to the entire depth of the deposit, up to 100 m. What is left behind is low-nutrient sand, devoid of vegetation and organic matter. Unrehabilitated, it would remain in this state for many decades while slow succession by primary dune colonizing plants occurred. During the nonvegetated time, it is a source of dust pollution, is severely compromised as a bulwark against beach erosion and produces little in the way of grazing, fuelwood, medicinal plants, edible organisms and/or tourist attractions. The left panel shows dune restoration weeks after mining and the right panel shows restoration after 25 years. Fast growing annual exotic grass (Sorghum spp), sunflowers, the nitrogen-fixing forb Crotolaria spp and the indigenous grass Digitaria eriantha are seeded into the 150 mm thick topsoil layer, which already contains propagules of many indigenous species. The germinating cover is protected from sandblasting with low plastic mesh windbreaks and the endemic dune pioneer tree Vacheria (Acacia) kosiensis is planted among the nursery cover, which is weeded to remove alien species. Once a stable cover has formed after a few years, a selection of other indigenous dune forest trees is planted as saplings (Richards, 2017). Functions that are restored very early in the process include erosion control, storm protection, hydrological and visual rehabilitation. Grazing, fuelwood and other useful resources become available from around year 10. Biodiversity-friendly habitat structure consolidate after a couple of decades, but a full complement of predegradation species has not returned over a 40-year observation period (van Aarde et al. A monodominant Vacheria kosiensis tree cover is complete within roughly 10 years and forest gaps begin to open after about 15 years. A three-layered forest structure (herbs, subcanopy shrubs and canopy trees) is present by 25 years, but even by 32 years, only two-fifths of the original forest tree species are present (van Aarde et al. They have a cultural, spiritual and social connection to country that adapts with time and space. Indigenous law, culture, language, knowledge, traditions, stories and people are embedded in the landscape, being interconnected and dependent on each other (Kimberley Land Council, 2016 b). With the onset of colonization and the removal of aboriginal people from traditional lands, during the 20th century, traditional burning practices were largely stopped (Vigilante, 2001). This led to the emergence of large, uncontrolled tropical wildfires, usually occurring late in the dry season, burning for long periods (Russell-Smith et al. At the end of the dry season, the savannah grasslands across the region are extremely dry and burn out of control across large areas. Late dry season wildfires impact and degrade grazing pasture, cultural sites, biodiversity infrastructure and other assets (Russell-Smith et al. Years of neglect and mismanagement, particularly of fire, and dispossession of traditional owners have created major environmental degradation problems for the savannah, pindan woodland and monsoon vine thicket plant communities and heavily impacted livestock grazing. The lower socio-economic circumstances of the aboriginal people also make it more difficult for them to adapt to and respond to the cumulative impacts of climate change (Kimberley Land Council 2016b, 2016a). This has enabled aboriginal people to create strong regional organisations, founded on aboriginal cultural values and governance structures. A network of 13 ranger groups, who look after land and sea across 378,704 km2 of the Kimberley, now exists. They work to avoid and reduce degradation and restore degraded lands, achieving the cultural and environmental management outcomes that their elders and cultural advisors want to see happen on the ground (Kimberley Land Council, 2016b). Fire management, wildlife and biodiversity monitoring, and the passing on of traditional knowledge and cultural practices from old people to young people, are key priorities of the ranger groups (Kimberley Land Council 2016a). Right panel shows the indigenous, early dry season mosaic burning, which reduces fire-induced land degradation. In addition to improving degraded landscapes with traditional mosaic early dry season fires, aboriginal people achieved some economic independence using traditional fire management practices to develop carbon businesses (Walton et al. The North Kimberley Fire Abatement Project (Kimberley Land Council, 2016b) working with indigenous traditional knowledge and modern scientific practices reduces land degradation, builds cultural intergenerational knowledge transfer and is reducing the amount of greenhouse gas emissions released into the atmosphere from unmanaged and potentially dangerous wildfires (Dore et al. For example, single wildfire events once burned up to half the 800,000 ha the Wunambal Gaamberaa project area. In the managed period, fires have been contained to within 10,000 ha in size (Moorcroft et al. In northern Australia, traditional fire management has proven to deliver as much as a 50% reduction in wildfires reduced emissions by 8 million tonnes, enriched biodiversity and generated more than $85 million for indigenous communities. North Kimberley native title groups generated 230,000 Kyoto Carbon Credit Units in two years. The sale of these credits provides an economic boost, delivering social and environmental outcomes through improved biodiversity and landscape health, reinvigorating social and cultural traditions, strengthening climate change adaptability, reversing socio-economic disadvantage and increasing employment opportunities (Heckbert et al. Uunguu Rangers have found major reductions in the negative impacts of uncontrolled wildfires since ramping up traditional burning methods four years ago. Through this project, traditional owners spend more time on country looking after important cultural sites and facilitating the sharing of traditional knowledge across generations, while caring for country and reducing degradation (Fitzsimons et al. The Kimberley Land Council is working with the corporate sector to secure longterm benefits to increase the demand and value paid for the biodiversity, social and cultural benefits generated (Kimberley Land Council, 2016a). Positive outcomes have occurred for biodiversity, providing concurrently indigenous economic development and cultural traditional benefits, re-engaging aboriginal people with their traditional practices across generations. Biophysical Conditions 1, 2, 3 combined 44/55 40/55 34/45 % Total 76% -1 1 2 3 4 5 Negative Limited Slight Slight to moderate Moderate Good * Coord. For the first 75 years of the 20th century, the dominant soil management practice was a two-year cropfallow system, with multiple tillage events in the fallow year leaving the soil completely bare (termed "tillage summer fallow"). Tillage summer fallow was used primarily as a water conservation measure, with soil moisture recharge during the fallow year contributing to higher yields in the crop year. The bare soil fallow and high tillage intensity led to losses of soil organic carbon estimated at approximately 25% compared to native soils and to high and continuing rates of erosion, especially wind erosion. Significant areas of the region were abandoned during the 1930s due to catastrophic wind erosion events. The high tillage intensity also led to significant tillage erosion on knolls and upper slope positions in agricultural fields, creating a patchwork of soil distribution in fields and hence high levels of within-field crop yield variability. The reduction in fallow was coupled with the introduction of new crops to the region, principally canola (rape) and pulse crops such as lentils. Weed control, which had previously been accomplished with multiple tillage events each year, was instead accomplished with a broad spectrum of herbicides, especially glyphosate. Adoption of the new practices spread slowly until the 1990s, when improvements in seeding equipment, rising fuel costs and rising public concern about soil degradation combined to spur high rates of adoption. The area under conservation tillage in the region was less than 5% in 1981; by 2011, of the 29. Throughout this period the main impetus for adoption came from the producers themselves, assisted by public sector research and extension from conservation organizations. The erosion risk indicator calculated by Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada has steadily decreased: in 2011, 61% of cropland was in the very low risk category, whereas in 1981 only 29% was in this category. The shift to improved tillage has also led to small increases in soil organic carbon storage. A recent meta-analysis found increases in soil organic carbon in the Prairie region of approximately 3 Mg soil organic carbon ha-1 over the past 20 years. First and most importantly, producers began to adopt conservation tillage (defined in the Canadian context as where at least 30% of Figure 1 7 Adoption of conservation tillage in Prairie Canada. A detailed account on the impact of glyphosate is available in Chapter 4 (see Section 4. Biophysical Conditions 1, 2, 3 combined 38/55 38/55 38/45 % Total 73% -1 1 2 3 4 5 Negative Limited Slight Slight to moderate Moderate Good * Coord. The annual rainfall, highly variable throughout the period of record, decreased abruptly and persistently by about a fifth between 1968 and 2005 and then apparently recovered (Mitchell, 1997; Ouedraogo et al. Severe food insecurity, increased morbidity, loss of livestock and livelihoods was a region-wide phenomenon during the three-decade dry period (Franke & Chasin, 1980). The prolonged dry phase is now attributed to a temporary change in ocean circulation (Giannini et al. At the time, it was thought that land degradation was either directly caused by overgrazing and tree cutting (Mainguet & Chemin, 1991; Le Houйrou, 2002), or those activities had led to regional-scale desiccation (Xue & Shukla, 1988) although some viewed the changes as mostly reflecting decadal rainfall variability (Nicholson, 2001). The traditional farming system includes crops grown interspersed with selected and nurtured trees, in a rangeland matrix supporting cattle and goats. Clearing of the trees was advised by colonial and post-colonial extension services, since the trees were viewed as "weeds" competing with the crops and grass. Without the trees, however, soil exposed to sun and wind lost its capacity to absorb and retain water. Without fuelwood, people burned manure and crop residues for domestic cooking fuel, eliminating the main source of soil improvement (Reij et al. Yet, it remains an open question as to whether future reverse flips will occur and if they are and will be related to global climate changes (Giannini et al. As a response to the degraded conditions, a project was set up in Niger to encourage farmers to regenerate natural trees from stumps. The new trees provided firewood, fruits, edible leaves and nuts, timber, medicines, fodder, dyes, soil protection and ameliorated the microclimate. Using the wood, provided for fire once again, freed-up crop residues and manure as soil amendments, improving their fertility, structure and reducing soil erosion, and leading to greater rainwater infiltration. The return of favourable conditions of both rainfall and soils led to higher crop yields and diversification of food sources and income - which in turn increased production resilience to extreme weather events. However, it remains disputed what fraction of this recovery was due to active rehabilitation efforts and how much was due to the return of the previous climate Figure 1 8 Regreening the Sahel through tree regeneration. The tree and field cover trends estimated as changes in tree density (unit = percent of precolonial tree cover): landscape dynamics in southwest Zinder. Note: the emergence of a large village and severe shrinking of a wet area east of it may suggest that the 2005 image is of a different area, but all three images cover the identical geographical location. Regulation also played an important role; previous attempts to plant windbreaks and woodlots of exotic trees in the region failed because trees were state property, thus farmers could not cut the trees planted on their land. Advantages derived from trees on the land stimulated more farmers to adopt this practice. Much of this increase has been attributed to the return of higher rainfall and some is due to tree planting (Brandt et al. There is field- and satellite-based evidence for increases in tree and shrub cover (Brandt et al. More than 200 million trees of various species, generally indigenous and local, were established or planted since 1985 restoring more than 5 million ha of land. Grain production increased by half a million tonnes per year and there was fodder for many more livestock. The capacity of the Sahelian landscape to deliver natural contributions to people is agreed by all to have increased over the past two decades, relative to the previous three decades. Biophysical Conditions 1, 2, 3 combined 48/55 46/55 36/45 % Total 82% -1 1 2 3 4 5 Negative Limited Slight Slight to moderate Moderate Good * Coord. The Tupi people dominated the Brazilian Atlantic coast before the arrival of European settlers. After 500 years of land-use change, less than 12% of the original forest cover (1.
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Boy Trap, the Boy Wants A Dinosaur, A Boy Who Ate Dog Biscuits, the Boy Who Could Fly Without A Mo Boy Who Could Make Himself. George Constance Andrea Keremes Gertrude Chandler Warner Kathleen Karr Candace Fleming William Sleator Terence Blacker Harriet Graham Christopher Keane Geoff Smith Robert D. San Souci Margaret Hillert Erik Christian Haugaard Robin Doak Harry Mazer Ted Wood E. Lockhart Joseph Bruchac Tamar Bergman Anne Schraff Susan Shaw Ron Koertge Tim Wynne-Jones Betsy Duffey Robert Munsch Ron Koertge Lynn Hall John Boyne Matt Whyman David Levithan Boomer Esiason Laura Dower Sinclair Smith Harry Mazer Brian Selznick Dyan Sheldon Ray Negron Justin Denzel Dianne Snyder Nancy Springer Kathleen Krull Cecil Castellucci Loris Lesynski Nancy Matson Hiawyn Oram Betsy Sachs Theodore Taylor Kin Platt William Sleator 1. Boy, the Dollar-Wonderful Hat Boy, Were We Wrong About Dinos Boy: Tales Of Childhood Boy-Crazy Stacey Boyfriend List, the Boyfriend Rules Of Good. Place Clay Morgan Shirley Gordon Margaret Mahy Phyllis Reynolds Naylor Eileen Spinelli Marilyn Helmer Kathleen Kudlinski Roald Dahl Ann M. Stine Phyllis Reynolds Naylor Gary Soto Bjarne Reuter Phyllis Reynolds Naylor John Neufeld Robert R. James Smith Phyllis Reynolds Naylor Phyllis Reynolds Naylor Phyllis Reynolds Naylor Phyllis Reynolds Naylor Jim Murphy Jeanette Lane Dan Greenburg Yoshiko Uchida Christine Florie Mame Farrell Mary Alexander Walker Mary Woodbury Jean Fritz Robin Banks Helen Frost Robin Cook R. Brandy Brandy (Celebrity Bios) Bras & Broomsticks Brass Button Brave As A Mountain Lion Brave Bunny, the Brave Charlotte Brave Dogs, Gentle Dogs Brave Escape Of Ellen And Will Brave Harriet Brave Horace Brave Irene Brave Little Bunny, the Brave Little Monster Brave Little Parrot, the Brave Maddie Egg Brave Margaret Brave Mary Brave New World Brave New World Revisited Brave Norman Brave Past, A Brave Potatoes Brave the Betrayal Brave Wolf And the Thunderbird Brave, the Bravest Cat! Lemke Marissa Moss Holly Keller William Steig Linda Jennings Ken Baker Rafe Martin Natalie Standiford Robert D. San Souci Larry Dane Brimner Aldous Huxley Aldous Huxley Andrew Clements Margarita Robleda Toby Speed K. Applegate Joseph Medicine Crow Robert Lipsyte Laura Driscoll Natalie Standiford Matt Buckingham Olivia George Marsha Diane Arnold Donna Jo Napoli Debra P. 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Bring Back Yesterday Bring On That Beat Bringing Ezra Back Bringing Nettie Back Bringing the Rain To Kapiti. Wilkes Lynn Curlee Vicki Weiner Elizabeth Mann Elaine Pascoe Joan Blos Ann Rinaldi Lynea Bowdish 5. Brushing Well Brutus the Wonder Poodle Bryce Canyon National Park Bub Moose Bub Or the Very Best Thing Helen Dunmore Susan Jeffers Betty Levin Margaret Mayo Mildred Pitts Walter Lola M. Stone Diana Star Helmer Frances Wosmek Joyce Carol Thomas Alan Baker Marguerite Henry Diane L. Good Melvin & Gilda Berger Bruce Coville Bruce Coville Bruce Coville Bruce Coville Bruce Coville Bruce Coville Bruce Coville Bruce Coville Bruce Coville Bruce Coville Linda Tagliaferro Virginia Hamilton Sharon Gordon Anke De Vries Tony Kushner Lars Klinting Lars Klinting Pere Calders William J. Brooke Vicki Cobb Helen Frost Linda Gondosch David Petersen Bill & Carol Wallace Natalie Babbitt 4. Buck Stops Here, the Buck-Buck the Chicken Bucking the Sarge Bud Barkin, Private Eye Bud, Not Buddy Buddha Boy Buddies Buddy Buddy Is A Stupid Name For A. Buffalo Bills Buffalo Brenda Buffalo Days Buffalo Gal Buffalo Gals Buffalo Hunt Buffalo Jump, the Buffalo Knife, the Buffalo Moon Buffalo Nickel Blues Band Buffalo Nickel, the Buffalo Soldiers And the Ameri Buffalo Woman Buffaloes Buford the Little Bighorn Bug And A Pup, A Bug Boy Carol Wallace Kathi Appelt Kathi Appelt Lisa Campbell Ernst Helen Ketteman Jarrett J. Hulme Hannah Gerrard Kathi Appelt Iain Lawrence Anne Akers Johnson Tyrone Washington Alice Provensen Amy Ehrlich Christopher Paul Curtis James Howe Christopher Paul Curtis Kathe Koja Barbara Park Linda Harley Willo Davis Roberts Ilene Cooper Eva Moore Stuart Schwartz H. Duchess Of York Deborah Kent Sabrina Crewe Dan Doyle Dorothy Hinshaw Patent Mary Pope Osborne Eleanor Coerr John Hamilton William R. Sanford Augusta Stevenson Loren Stanley Jill Pinkwater Diane Hoyt-Goldsmith Bill Wallace Brandon Marie Miller Russell Freedman Peter Roop William O. Clifton Wisler Judie Angell Taylor Morrison Jason Glaser Paul Goble Marianne Johnston Bill Peet Lynn Trepicchio Carol Sonenklar 3. Jackson Cass Hollander Michael Elsohn Ross David McPhail David McPhail Carol Diggory Shields Nancy Winslow Parker Oscar Gake Bobbie Kalman Anne Rockwell Margery Facklam David T. Greenberg Patricia and Fredrick McKissack Jennifer Dussling Bob Barner Judith Moffatt Sandra Markle Robert L. Gilmour James Haskins Christopher Collier Henry Pluckrose Ulli Steltzer Kathleen Martin-James David Macaulay Cynthia Voigt Nathan Olson Stuart Schwartz David Macaulay Marlene Targ Brill Miranda Spekes Inez Snyder Heather Govier Grolier Educational Sharon Elaine Thompson George Sullivan Margaret J. Carter Julie Mitchell Marilyn Halvorson Paul Fleischman Sharlene and Ted Nelson Charlotte Wilcox Peter Brady M. Martin Rick Walton Sue Macy Teresa Bateman Jean Fritz Mike Thaler Joanna Cole Paul Langan Cheryl Coughlan Robert Cormier April Pulley Sayre Emily K. Green Deborah Eaton Peter Maloney Harry Allard Margery Cuyler Rory Thomas Louise Mathews Mark Copeland Pat Rhoads Mauser Carolyn Keene Susan Schade Jason Glaser David Neufeld Diane Johnston Hamm Deborah Howe James Howe James Howe Nancy Carlson Ben M. Baglio Cynthia Rylant Rosemary Wells Rick Walton Teddy Slater Rosemary Wells Anita Jeram Loreen Leedy Katy Hall Jennifer Dussling Hans Wilhelm Kirsten Hall Margaret Wise Brown Audrey Wood Betsy Byars Jim Aylesworth 1. Bury My Heart At Wounded Knee Bury the Dead Bus For Us, the Bus Of Our Own, A Bus Ride Into History. Parks Bus Ride, the Bus Station Mystery, the Bus Stop Bus-A-Saurus Bop Buses Buses Business And Industry Busted! Anderson Gloria Skurzynski Shelley Tanaka Owen Beattie Gary Soto Kirsten Hall Michael Burgan Marcia Thornton Jones Charles Larocca Brent Runyon Ellen Hopkins John Flanagan John Marsden Margaret Scariano Betsy Byars Carol Matas Caroline B. Jenkins Betty Hicks Denise Fleming Marc Brown Marc Brown Lisze Bechtold Marc Brown Marc Brown Kristin L. Nelson Gail Blasser Riley Nancy Poydar Sue Tarsky Teddy Slater Alvin Schwartz Karen Wallace Kirsten Hall 5. Butterfly (Life Cycles), the Butterfly (Living Things) Butterfly / Mariposa Butterfly Alphabet Book, the Butterfly Alphabet, the Butterfly Battle Butterfly Boy Butterfly Buddies Butterfly Colors Butterfly Eggs Butterfly Eyes. Butterfly Garden Butterfly House Butterfly Lion, the Butterfly Magic For Kids Butterfly, Bird, Beetle, & Me Butterfly, Butterfly Butterfly, the Butterfly, the (Milbourne) Buttermilk Buttermilk Bear Buttermilk Hill Alice K. Flanagan Brian Sargent Charnan Simon George Shannon Dawn Bentley Leo Lionni Virginia Kroll Allan Fowler Johanna Hurwitz Richard Scarry Laird Christa Lauren Child Ann Rinaldi Bernard Waber Marilyn Reynolds John Hamilton Carl R. Holmes Emily Neye Karen Shapiro Ruth Lercher Bornstein Cathryn Falwell Carol Lerner Julie Ovenell-Carter Darlene Freeman Ned Simonson Bobbie Kalman Eulalia Garcia Sabrina Crewe Rebecca Stefoff Susan Canizares Brian Cassie Kjell B. Sandved Nancy White Virginia Kroll Judy Cox Helen Frost Helen Frost Joyce Sidman Debra Hershkowitz Eve Bunting Michael Morpurgo E. Chavez Buying Insurance Buz Buzby Buzby To the Rescue Buzz Buzz (Wong) Buzz Buzz Buzz Buzz Is Part Of A Bee, A Buzz vs. By the Light Of the Moon By the Pricking Of My Thumbs By the Seashore By the Shores Of Silver Lake By the Waters Of Babylon: One By Truck To the North: My. Wong Byron Barton Carolyn Lunn Mark McVeigh Melvin Berger Wendy Cheyette Lewison Joelle Riley Ruth Berman Mary Stanton Tessa Paul Mary Eccles Tiki Barber David Kherdian Steven Kroll Sid Fleischman Dean Koontz Agatha Christie Tessa Paul Laura Ingalls Wilder Thomas J. Davis Andy Turnbull Harriett Luger Dorothy Carter Sue Grafton Gail Radley Anne Miranda Alfred Slote Sherry Garland Jean Fritz Deborah Hopkinson Jean Van Leeuwen Lola M. Owen Rachel Field Elizabeth George Speare Sarah De Capua Sarah De Capua Dennis Brindell Fradin Ann Heinrichs Kathy Pelta Teresa Kennedy Geography Department Capstone Pr P. Californios, the Call For Courage Call It Courage Call Me Ahnighito Call Me Francis Tucket Call Me Friday the Thirteenth Call Me Marнa Call Me Ruth Call Mr. Wrede Juan Felipe Herrera Jean Thesman Claudia Mills Mike Venezia Rita Stevens Zachary Kent Nadia Vegas Gary Apple David A. Ganeri Susie Dawson Erin Pembrey Swan Gallimard Jeunesse Trudi Strain Trueit Geography Department Lerner Mike Venezia Bernard Stonehouse Doug Cushman Pam Smallcomb Judy Delton Betsy Duffey Betsy Duffey Gibbs Davis Pam Withers Eric Walters David Armentrout Norman Bridwell Gertrude Chandler Warner Dian Curtis Regan Jim Benton Mark Dubowski Ellen Conford Livingston Taylor Lois Grambling Marilyn Janovitz Steven Kellogg Melvin Berger Ana Conrad Kathy Mackel Melvin & Gilda Berger Philip Whitfield Alexandra Wright Janelle Cherrington David Dobson Sandra Markle Sandra Markle Sandra Markle Sandra Markle Sandra Markle Virginia Kroll Eve Bunting Lynn E. Canada Canada - Multiculturalism Canada (A To Z) Canada (Countries-World) Canada (Faces And Places) Canada (Modern Industrial) Canada (Postcards From) Canada (Rookie Read-About. Jamee Riggio Heelan Melvin & Gilda Berger Carl Sommer Lauren Day Alvin Silverstein Janelle Cherrington Allan Fowler Paula Danziger Eleanor Hudson Barbara Radcliffe Rogers Bobbie Kalman Tamra Orr Michael Dahl Elma Schemenauer David Marshall Zoe Dawson David F. Murphy Bobbie Kalman Natalie Kinsey-Warnock Judy Ross Geography Department Lerner Eric Braun Bob Barlas Bobbie Kalman Bobbie Kalman Bobbie Kalman Elaine Landau Ron Roy Eric Nones Joan Lowery Nixon Voltaire Maureen Crane Wartski Kevin Brooks James Stevenson Patricia Reilly Giff Gertrude Chandler Warner Steve Bradley Steve Almond Lalita Tademy John Steinbeck Anthony D. Canterbury Tales, the Canticle Canticle For Leibowitz, A Canto a la Tierra Cantsee: the Cat Who Was. Canyon Winter Canyons Canyons (Biomes Of Nature) Capacity (Math Counts) Capital Capital Kids Capital! Hook Captain And Matey Set Sail Captain Arsenio Captain Cat Captain Contest, the Captain Fact Space Adventure Captain Grey Captain Hog: Mission - Stars Captain Invincible Space Shape Captain Kate Captain Snap & the Children. Captain Underpants/Attack Of Captain Underpants/Booger/Pt1 Captain Underpants/Booger/Pt2 Captain Underpants/Invasion Of Captain Underpants/Perilous Captain Underpants/Potty Peopl Captain Underpants/Wrath Of Captain Zap & Evil Baron Von. Rothaus Henry Pluckrose Lynn Curlee Suzanne McCabe Laura Krauss Melmed Andrew Santella Esphyr Slobodkina Louise Borden J. Murphy Carolyn Reeder Roni Schotter Dav Pilkey Dav Pilkey Dav Pilkey Dav Pilkey Dav Pilkey Dav Pilkey Dav Pilkey Jon Buller Anna Myers Rudyard Kipling Roland Smith Gilbert Morris Jude Watson Gary Paulsen Joyce Hansen Victoria Holt Susan Lowery Rardin Richard Pini Kathryn Lasky K. Levin Andrew Kaplan Matthew Robinson Sue Hurwitz Robert Gartner Beth Wilkinson Maryann Miller Carlienne Frisch Bruce McGlothlin Jean W. Spencer Sue Hurwitz Peggy Santamaria Kathlyn Gay Jason Cooper Faustin Charles Rachel Isadora Agatha Christie Leighton Taylor Susan E. Bowditch Cars Cars Cars (Fast Forward) Cars (High Interest) Cars (Rockwell) Cars (Speed! Case Of the Backyard Treasure Case Of the Baffled Bear, the Case Of the Baker Street. Case Of the Barfy Birthday Case Of the Barking Dog, the Case Of the Bear Scare, the Sid Fleischman Lemony Snicket Victor Gentle Valerie Hobbs Michael Goodman Donna Rathmell Mordicai Gerstein Maria D. Wilkes Brian Wildsmith Lynea Bowdish Virginia Kroll Barbara Cohen Terry Pratchett Stephen King Lesley Choyce Nina Bawden Ruth Krauss Gail Saunders-Smith Inez Snyder Ardath Mayhar Jean Lee Latham Gail Saunders-Smith Dee Ready Ian Graham Philip Abraham Anne Rockwell Jenifer Corr Morse Scott Steedman Joanna Foster James Kemsley James Kemsley Betsy Byars Ruth Yaffe Radin Marilyn Nelson Lisa Eisenberg Suzanne Weyn Milton Meltzer Ellen Conford Cynthia Rylant Carolyn Keene Nomi J. Edwards Michael Crichton Nancy Star Nancy Star Joanne Rocklin Cynthia Rylant Robert Newman Michele Torrey Parker C.
The global does not represent the universal human interest antiviral state buy generic movfor 200mg, it represents a particular local and parochial interest which has been globalized through the scope of its reach antiviral for herpes zoster safe 200 mg movfor. The seven most powerful countries antiviral natural generic movfor 200mg on-line, the G-7 hiv viral infection cycle generic 200mg movfor free shipping, dictate global affairs hiv infection and symptoms purchase movfor 200mg fast delivery, but the interests that guide them remain narrow antiviral zona zoster discount movfor 200 mg fast delivery, local and parochial oregano antiviral 200 mg movfor fast delivery. It is a Bank where decisions are based on the voting power weighted by the economic and political power of donors antiviral natural factors buy movfor 200mg on-line, and in this decision-making it is the communities who pay the real price and the real donors (such as the tribals of Narmada Valley whose lives are being destroyed by a Bank financed mega-dam) but have no say. The "global" of today reflects a modern version of the global reach of a handful of British merchant adventurers who, as the East India Company, later the British Empire, raided and looted large areas of the world. Over the past 500 years of colonialism, whenever this global reach has been threatened by resistance, the language of opposition has been co-opted, redefined and used to legitimize future control. The environment movement revealed the environmental and social costs generated by maldevelopment, conceived of and financed by such institutions as the World Bank. Now, however, the language of the environment is itself being taken over and made the reason for strengthening such "global" institutions and increasing their global reach. In addition to the legitimacy derived from coopting the language of dissent is the legitimization that derives from a false notion that the globalized "local" is some form of hierarchy that reflects geographical and democratic spread, and to which lower order hierarchies should somehow be subservient. Operationalizing undemocratic development projects was based on a similar false notion of "national interest", and every local interest felt morally compelled to make sacrifices for what seemed the larger interest. It was this moral compulsion that led each community to make way for the construction of mega-dams in post-independence India. Only during the 1980s, when the different "local" interests met nationwide, did they realize that what was projected as the "national interest" was, in fact, the electoral interests of a handful of politicians financed by a handful of contractors, such as J. Against the narrow and selfish interest that had been elevated to the status of "national" interest, the collective effort of communities engaged in resistance against large dams began to emerge as the real though subjugated national interest. Instead of extending environmental concern and action, the recent emergence of a focus on "global" environmental problems has in fact narrowed the agenda. The multiple environmental concerns that emerged from the grassroots, including the forest, and the water crises, toxic and nuclear hazards and so on have been marginalized. The exclusion of other concerns from the global agenda is spurious, since, for example, the nuclear and chemical industries operate globally, and the problems they generate in every local situation are related to their global reach. The construction becomes a political tool not only to free the dominant destructive forces operating worldwide from all responsibility for all the destruction on to the communities that have no global reach. Through a shift from present to future, the North gains a new political space in which to control the South. It also creates the economic base, since through conventions and protocols, the problem is reduced to technology and aid transfer. The financial resources that go into the Montreal Protocol Fund for transfer of technology are in effect subsidies for Dupont and others, not for the Third World. The erosion of biodiversity is another area in which control has been shifted from the South to the North through its identification as a global problem. But biodiversity is a resource over which local communities and nations have sovereign rights. Globalization becomes a political means to erode these sovereign rights, and a means to shift control over and access to biological resources from the gene-rich South to the genepoor North. Through its global reach, the North exists in the South, but the South exists only within itself, since it has no global reach. Solutions to the global environmental problems can come only from the global, that is the North. Since the North has abundant industrial technology and capital, if it has to provide a solution to environmental problems, they must be reduced to a currency that the North dominates. The problem of ecology is transformed into a problem of technology transfer and finance. What is absent from the analysis is that the assumption that the South needs technology and finances from the North is a major cause of the environmental crisis, and a major reason for the drain of resources from South to North. While the governments of the South demand "new and additional sources of finance" for the protection of the environment, they ignore the reverse transfer of $50 billion per year of capital from the poor South to the affluent North. The old order does not change through the environmental discussions, rather it becomes more deeply entrenched. Extraction of surplus and the exploitation and destruction of resources have left people without livelihoods. Lacking access to resources for survival, the poor have been forced to generate economic security by having large families. The collapse of social cohesion and economic stability has provided the ground for ethnic conflict. Instead of identifying the cause of these multifaceted problems as global domination of certain narrow interests of the North, however, these problems are selectively transformed from consequence to cause. A problem caused by an irresponsible chemical industry is converted into a problem caused by fertility rates in the poor countries of the South. The 1991 cyclone in Bangladesh was similarly linked causally to the number of babies in Bangladesh. The global reach by narrow and selfish interests is not based on planetary or Gaian ethics. In fact, it abstracts the planet and peoples from the conscious mind, and puts global institutions in their place. The ordinary Indian woman who worships the tulsi plant worships the cosmic as symbolized in the plant. The peasants who treat seeds as sacred, see in them the connection to the universe. In most sustainable traditional cultures, the great and the small have been linked so that limits, restraints, responsibilities are always transparent and cannot be externalized. The great exists in the small and hence every act has not only global but cosmic implications. The G-7 can demand a forest convention that imposes international obligations on the Third World to plant trees. But the Third World cannot demand that the industrialized countries reduce the use of fossil fuels and energy. The "global" has been so structured, that the North (as the globalized local) has all rights and no responsibility, and the South has no rights, but all responsibility. It is devoid of any ethics for planetary living; and based on concepts not of universal brotherhood but of universal bullying. Problematizing the "global" through collective articulation of all local concerns and interests, in all their diversity, is the creative intervention in the global/ local conflicts as they are emerging. What at present exists as the global is not the democratic distillation of all local and national concerns worldwide, but the imposition of a narrow group of interests from a handful of nations on a world scale. But if genuine democracy is to exist at local and national levels it is essential for international interests to become democratized. Every local community equipped with rights and obligations, constitutes a new global order for environmental care. The current trend in global discussions and negotiations, however, is to move rights further upwards towards more distant, non-local centralization in such agencies as the World Bank. Multilateralism in a democratic set-up must mean a lateral expansion of decision-making based on the protection of local community rights where they exist, and the institutionalization of rights where they have been eroded. Two central planks of local environmental rights include: (1) the right to information; and (2) right to prior consent; that is, any activity with a potential impact on the local environment should be subject to consent by local people. The real ecological space of global ecology is to be found in the integration of all locals. Institutionally, we should not be concerned about how to enable the last tribal to be present at World Bank decisions in Washington. Whether the local as global and the global as local will exist in a way different from the imperialistic order of the last 500 years depends on this process of democratization. Its coercive power comes from abolishing limits for the forces of domination and destruction and imposing restrictions on the forces of conservation. The ecological category of global is an empowering one at the local level because it charges every act, every entity, with the largeness of the cosmic and the planetary and adds meaning to it. It is also empowering because precisely by embodying the planetary in the local, it creates conditions for local autonomy and local control. An Earth democracy cannot be realized as long as global domination is in the hands of undemocratic structures. Neither can it be realized on an anthropocentric basis-the rights of nonhuman nature cannot be ignored. And it cannot be realized if the need to ensure the survival of the planet is made the reason for denying the right to survival of those who today are poor and marginalized because they have borne the accumulated burden of centuries of subjugation. There is magic to the act of storytelling, a warmth of waiting as someone begins, "Once there was a. The battle between good and evil is no longer embodied in myths, fables, anecdotes, or parables. The struggles of humankind are now sought to be captured in the grids of social science, and the classic narrative of social science is the bureaucratic report. A report is too impersonal to have the warmth of a story, and yet the story of the world, its fate, is caught in reports-the Brandt Report, the Brundtland Report, the Report of the Club of Rome. They are all stories of the world, but they do not belong to the world of storytelling. Dry as dust, they reduce even the hell of Dante and its horrific circles to sanitized departments, each headed by a bureaucrat. Yet these narratives- unreadable-and opaque as they are-must be taken seriously. They are bloodless and antiseptic, but with one stroke of a file, a world can die; with one erasure, a man can cease to be a citizen. The usual methods of modern control-the factory, the school, the prison- were all modes of vigilance. The English philosopher, Bentham, elaborated a system of vigilance where the poor, vagrant, alcoholic, and orphan were made to work in an inspection house, where every phase of their work could be examined by a central eye. It was an all encompassing plan for surveillance, which served as a general model of control. Today, the Benthamite model of vigilance, embodied in concrete structures, is no longer enough. There is little blatant aggression, no group of colonials sitting around a table and carving colonies like a steak. Why police blatantly, when the expert advertisement can make the victim compliant? One can comfortably invite a few Third Worlders, even to write the foreword to the report. It is from such a perspective that the Brundtland Report-well intentioned as it is-must be seen not as a statement of intention, but in terms of the logic of the world it seeks to create and impose. Sustainability and development belong to different, almost incommensurable worlds. It represents a contract between two major agents, between the modern nation-state and modern Western science. The first is deemed to be the privileged form of politics, the second claims to be the universal form of knowledge. Development is a compact between the nation-state and modern Western science to reduce all forms of difference-all ethnic forms, all ethnic knowledges-to create a flatland called modernity. Within such a Hobbesian world, dams displace people, forest bills turn ecocidal, and nuclear energy becomes a reason for the state. If differences exist between modern and peasant/tribal, such differences are reduced through a time series. The tribal peasant or folk are labeled premodern and therefore must be driven into modernity. What legitimates this violence is the doctrine of progress, which imposes a linearity to this world and justifies any violence done by modernizing elites on allegedly backward sectors. Here, traditions are neither privileged ways of looking or being, but only an obsolescent world to be developed or museumized. All history, all biography, all memory is aligned to facilitate this long march to modernity. In 1974, the government of Paraguay was charged with the genocide of the Ache Indians. The charges included enslavement, torture, and deliberate withholding of food and medicines. In a similar way, Brazil was accused of genocide against the Indians of the Amazon. Brazil, too, accepted that the Indians had been eliminated and their land forfeited. It is a system of nonresponsibility for all cultures that do not fit into the grids of progress. It convenes a secretariat of international civil servants to invent a few epicycles. The styles of conquest of this new scholasticism embody a combination of four tactics. Through each of these, history and geography are rewritten to suit the needs of power. If the first waves of modernity sought to caricature the past, the second wave seeks to control the future. Freedom was essentially the freedom to dream differently, and have different languages for interpreting our dreams. It is being colonized by an oracle of international civil servants who have mapped it with cybernetics and systems theory. The future has become a territory of surveillance; a group of grammarians has moved in before the poet has uttered a word. They have already decided that the future is a different country, where all of us must behave alike. The future is not a carnival time, where dreams spoof the pomposities of the present. They are so conventional that they merely replicate their life-world in the future. So there are resources for the future, energy for the future, populations for the future, cities for the future. Remember that these new colonials lack the fabulous mythology of their crass predecessors. This new class is too puritan, too antiseptic for the old and fabulous excesses of the Orient. Heidegger once said "abstraction is conceptual rape," and our new international file-ariat rape through abstraction. Who needs dialogue or translation or even the laughter of misunderstanding, the celebration of ambiguity when a cold formal language can be constructed. The key words of this language are still the old clichйs of efficiency, ecology, diversity, and underdevelopment. Ecology-true ecology-should be an attempt to liberate the imagination of democracy from the constraints that "big science," the nation-state, and development have imposed. It seeks a notion of a good life, an idea of restraint and self-limits that cannot be reduced to economic audits and goes beyond a world that values obsolescence as godhead. It is not an oikos, a word that denotes prudence or care, the world of the housewife or tribe. Its task in maintaining the hydrological cycle, preserving soils, or sustaining genetic diversity is never celebrated. Nature to the bureaucrats is an outdated craftsman, to be retired with the advent of the scientist; nature has to be preserved until scientific techniques improve. What it needs is not the forest but the forest reduced to a park, reserve, or plantation, where selected aspects of nature are maintained until genetic engineering can take over. We feel the need to go beyond words like park, reserve, and gene bank to empathize with nature. One would suggest that this perspective had much to learn from the world of farmers and tribes where the ego and nature are constructed differently. The language of parks and reserves only disguises the language of mining, which is so central to the Western, technocratic discourse on nature. One feels that nature, the tropics and the Third World are often synonymous and all suffer from excess. All need to be disciplined, and nature as a celebration is now corseted in a "park" or "reserve. As a concept, it is so obsessed with capital and labor that many sources of work and well-being are ignored. As the acerbic wisdom of Wolfgang Sachs stated it, Numerous things which had so far been taken for granted as part of ordinary life acquire new and dramatic significance. Cowdung for example, kindled by the Senegalese peasants to heat water for a cooking pot, suddenly becomes an energy resource, Kenyan women cultivating village fields are discovered to be a human resource for boosting food production. A coconut is no longer celebrated as a coconut, a forest is no longer a forest when it is treated as a resource. Rather, the magic cover that existed for them, the totemic field that protected them, is stripped off and, as resources, they begin the long journey into the world economy. Its systems vocabulary does not eliminate the still mechanical mind-set of its experts. By speaking the language of growth, the Brundtland Report gets caught in contradictions. Its ideal citizen is still the consumer with the big mouth and a faith in science. In this Cartesian-consumerist world, there is no real place for satyagrah or any form of enlightened self-restraint. Finally, the language and philosophy of the Brundtland Report is still the language of what David Ehrenfeld calls universalist-humanism. Maybe if parts of the report were written from the perspective of a microbe, a tree, or a spider, the report might have created more empathy. Such a humanism, Ehrenfeld showed, still believes that all problems are solvable and that technology and management can solve all problems. In this, the expert and his technology are always part of the solution and not part of the problem.
Global estimates of the ice-free land surface affected by human pressure and/or assessed as degraded antiviral rx generic 200mg movfor free shipping. Orange bars represent the percentage of terrestrial area affected by human pressure or degradation hiv infection diagnosis and treatment cheap 200mg movfor overnight delivery. Purple bars refer to the estimate of the proportion of the land surface covered by the ecosystem type anti virus protection purchase movfor 200 mg mastercard. Green bars distinguish the upper from the lower estimates when both figures are provided in the study stages of hiv infection video discount movfor 200mg overnight delivery. The estimate for wetland loss should be considered with caution hiv infection to symptoms order 200 mg movfor visa, because we used an estimate of 900 Mha of wetlands globally (from Lehner & Dцll stages for hiv infection order movfor 200mg fast delivery, 2004) and applied a 30% increase backcasting to 1970 considering the Wetland Extent Trends index hiv virus infection process video generic 200 mg movfor mastercard, from 1970 to 2008 antiviral treatment for herpes 200mg movfor. The 900 Mha estimate is thus represented by the remaining 6% of ice-free land surface covered by wetlands in the figure. Generally, the death and/or extinction of species in any given location does not follow immediately after the anthropogenic environmental change. In the ecological literature this phenomenon is known as extinction debt, and the time delay is called relaxation time (Jackson & Sax, 2010; Kuussaari et al. After the environmental change, the threshold condition for survival of some species may no longer be met, but these species are still extant because of the time delay in their response to the environmental change. For instance, using data on bird populations in a fragmented forest in Kenya, Brooks et al. Even though our current understanding of the extent and time scale of extinction debt is limited (Essl et al. Recently, the extinction debt concept was extended to include ecosystem services (Isbell et al. Incorporating time lags, such as extinction debts, can lessen the impact of degradation by buying more time to land managers and conservation planners to improve the ecosystem conditions (via restoration or sufficient rehabilitation) before the projected extinctions occur (Brooks et al. Time lags are also present, and may be considerable, in the recovery of ecosystems after restoration and rehabilitation. In particular, in cases where species have gone locally extinct and restoration or rehabilitation is undertaken, ecological successions and natural recolonizations are also likely to happen with time lags (Hanski, 2000). For instance, a wildlife comeback is currently being observed in Europe (Chapron et al. This comeback is partly due to conservation actions and changes in legislations (Deinet et al. This land abandonment created an opportunity for restoration via ecological rewilding: the passive management of ecological succession with the goal of restoring natural ecosystem processes and reducing the human control of landscapes (Navarro & Pereira, 2012; Pereira & Navarro, 2015). The colonization of new suitable habitats may even be faster than the relaxation of the extinction debt if the change of the environment is slow enough (Svenning & Sandel, 2013). Time lags presents a key question for environmental law as well, as it frames public actions. In many countries, public actions to repair a crime or a felony must be conducted within the time frame from one to thirty years. However, when it comes to environmental law, these time frames are far from being widely adopted. Moreover, the statute of limitation that limits public actions commences after the event causing damage and not from the moment the damage is perceived. Therefore, if the damage appears or is perceived ten years or more after the damage was caused, the possibilities of a judicial action become void. The principle of legal certainty thus currently protects the polluters and does not account for ecological reality (Larson, 2005). Exceptions exist, such as in Alberta, Canada, where the law prescribes a 25-year liability for surface reclamation issues (topography, vegetation, soil texture, drainage and so on) and a lifetime liability for contamination associated with upstream oil and gas activities (Province of Alberta, 2016). Resilience, regime shifts and irreversibility the concept of resilience is common to both the natural and social sciences. In ecology, resilience refers to the ability of ecosystems to absorb disturbances while remaining in a stable state (Carpenter et al. The main discrepancy between the definitions of resilience in the social and natural sciences is that social resilience can be defined as independent from the destruction or modification of the ecosystem, so long as human societies find subsistence alternatives (Adger, 2000). Despite its growing popularity with policymakers and managers, some authors have recently pointed out the vagueness of the concept of resilience in ecology and its many definitions (Mumby et al. Nonetheless, resilience is particularly relevant to degradation and restoration (see also Chapter 4, Section 4. Ecological resilience highlights the level of disturbance that an ecosystem can sustain and can guide restoration. For instance, if a system is resilient to disturbance, its recovery to a pre-disturbance state can be passive and may not require human intervention other than cessation (Mumby et al. Recovery time the time required by an ecosystem to return to pre-disturbance state (Myers-Smith et al. Continuous and long-term pressure on ecosystems can lead to a loss of resilience and cause them to shift to an alternative stable state, a phenomenon called a "regime shift" (Barnosky et al. Examples of regime shifts are soil salinization, the transition from forests to savannas, fisheries collapse and the mangrove transition (Folke et al. Disturbance thresholds are used to estimate the level of disturbance that a system can sustain before moving to an alternate state (Standish et al. Regime shifts can be rapid or more gradual (Walker & Meyers, 2004), the latter being potentially harder to identify and assess (Scheffer & Carpenter, 2003). Furthermore, the fact that the shift can be either smooth or abrupt, as is the case when the system reaches a tipping-point (Folke et al. The direct and indirect drivers of regime shifts were recently classified in five broad categories which also match to some extent the different drivers of land degradation discussed in Chapter 3 of this assessment: (i) habitat modification; (ii) food production; (iii) nutrients and pollutants; (iv) resource extraction; and (v) spill-over effects such as the indirect effect of human activities on natural processes (Rocha et al. Those drivers can also be placed into networks of interaction within and across those categories, which highlights the risk of "cascading regime shifts," even more so when most of those drivers are linked to human activity (Kinzig et al. Regime shifts can also be caused by the overexploitation or introduction of species (Leadley et al. Invasive alien species have, for instance, changed biotic and abiotic conditions in island ecosystems (Burgiel, 2010) and caused shifts from submerged to floating plants in aquatic ecosystems (Nolzen et al. While the resilience of a system prevents it from crossing a threshold, the term "unhelpful resilience" was recently used to describe the fact that an ecosystem can be resilient in a degraded state, limiting the effectiveness of restoration (Standish et al. Indeed, once in an alternative state, the process to reverse the system to its natural state might be too difficult or too costly (Folke et al. Many regime shifts are caused by climate change and other anthropogenic drivers, and have hence been extensively studied within socio-ecological systems. In those systems, the human impact is due to resource management driven by local, regional and global socio-economic factors. Regime shift can thus directly and indirectly affect the supply of ecosystem services and human well-being (Rocha et al. Thresholds in ecosystems are difficult and complex to observe and perceive, but can be assessed using observations of temporal data or experimentation (Mumby et al. In addition, there are several databases and online resources to inform researchers and managers. Legal thresholds are the result of a social compromise defining what is acceptable and what is not. Hence, the change of status occurs when the degradation is no longer socially acceptable. Therefore, the legal perception of regime shifts is not in accordance with its ecological counterpart. Many judges lack environmental and ecological knowledge, which contributes to this effect and leads to the misunderstanding and subsequent discounting or dismissal of environmental impacts in legal proceedings (Lecuq & Maljean-Dubois, 2008). Nevertheless, creating specific environmental courts, like those created in India or Chile in 2012, might help remediate this shortcoming. Timescales and the perception of land degradation and restoration Humans and human activities have altered and/or degraded ecosystems since the late Pleistocene (Ellis et al. Yet, due to the timescale of such phenomena, even heavily-altered systems are not always perceived as degraded. For instance in Europe, some valued cultural landscapes such as the Causses and Cevennes World Heritage site or terraced farming are the products of intense and long-lasting alterations and use of ecosystems (Halada et al. Their perception as "natural" and their acceptance as the "normal state of nature" (Vera, 2010) constitute an example of the shifting baseline syndrome (see 2. Degradation, for example, due to overgrazing and nonsustainable agricultural practices (Leadley et al. This is also the case of the long-term degradation of the Amazonian forest which, in combination with climate change at the global scale, could lead to a sudden regime shift and a transition to a savannah-type ecosystem (Leadley et al. Those events are typically perceived and acknowledged by the public and demand concrete responses. A recent example is the breaking of the dam holding wastewater from Samarco mining Company that affected the Rio Doce in Minas Gerais, Brazil (see Box 5. The event was widely covered by the media internationally and triggered strong public outrage. The perception of emergency in the response to degradation is indeed a crucial point. A catastrophic event is more salient and might thus have more impact on policies and response (Jшrgensen et al. On the contrary, when degradation processes are slow, and their impact on human well-being are not immediately perceived or felt, the societies are less likely to stop the degradation process or initiate a restoration effort. The slow recognition that desertification had to be internationally resolved is one such example. Severe environmental disasters had by then accelerated the process, such as the Sahelian drought (see Behnke & Mortimore (2015) for more on this discussion), and policymakers resorted to using a vocabulary of emergency. Likewise, the time for ecosystem recovery after restoration can vary greatly and should be systematically considered. Many ecosystems can recover assisted or in some cases, non-assisted, from disturbances but the time scale of such processes can span from decades to centuries (Jones & Schmitz, 2009; Kotiaho & Mцnkkцnen, 2017; Haapalehto, et al. For instance, abandoned agricultural lands in Europe could take between several decades to over a century for ecological successions to occur and to naturally become forested (Verburg & Overmars, 2009). We are only now starting to draw some conclusions from long-term and large-scale restoration programs, such as the restoration of the Mata Atlantica rainforest in Brazil (see Chapter 6, Box 6. By ignoring the potential time-lags between an action and the response of a system, a "short term" vision to assess the outcomes of conservation policies and restoration actions might also impact the capacity to observe and perceive successes (Tittensor et al. In contrast, having long-term perspectives could allow for the development of progressive approaches, where meeting the goals are reassessed through time, as the focal ecosystem is recovering (Chazdon, 2008). It was thus argued that restoration should be understood as an investment rather than a direct cost for society (de Groot et al. It is important to allow the time needed to achieve restoration goals to avoid the premature perception of failure or non-achievability. Finally, it is important to recognize that human action targeted at specific species, ecosystems or ecosystem services including through the degradation process or restoration and rehabilitation actions can have an impact on the selective forces acting on biodiversity over long temporal scales (Sarrazin & Lecomte, 2016). Long-distance impacts and their legal implications There are often long-distance connections between land degradation and human well-being that are invisible to most stakeholders, but must be taken into account (see Chapter 5, Section 5. For example, consumption and pollution put major pressures on biodiversity and have shown worsening trends, both past and projected (Tittensor et al. The global production and trading of goods to satisfy demand is also one of the main drivers of land degradation (Lambin & Meyfroidt, 2011a; Lenzen et al. One clear example is the case of increasing meat consumption and soy production as drivers of deforestation (see Figure 2. In particular, consumers in developed countries tend to have larger "biodiversity footprints" abroad than within their countries contributing to significant negative impacts in developing countries (Lenzen et al. Increased demand for soy for animal feed, in Europe and Eastern Asia, encourages deforestation in South America, including the Cerrado savanna, Amazon forest and Pampa. Intensive pork breeding pollutes rivers and provokes the phenomenon of "green tides" on the seashores. This is for instance the case with transboundary haze pollution in South East Asia resulting from palm oil production and forest fires in Indonesia which also raises the issue of perceived responsibility between countries (Forsyth, 2014). In reaction, a directive on the promotion of the use of energy from renewable sources (European Commission, 2009) was adopted to provide a transnational legal framework for dealing with these issues (Farber, 2011). Failing to take into account these long-distance connections limits the ability of conventions and governments to design appropriate policies for mitigation, restoration and compensation. An additional long-distance connection of land-use change is caused by the transition of developed countries from net forest losses to net forest gains (Meyfroidt et al. If and when the demand for agricultural and timber goods stagnates or increases, this transition might lead to the "outsourcing of degradation" (Meyfroidt & Lambin, 2011) a process also known as land-use displacement. Similarly, there is a danger that strict conservation policies and the setting aside of land for conservation and/or restoration might become drivers of degradation elsewhere a phenomenon known as "leakage of environmental impact" (Andam et al. For instance, reforestation projects on productive land of the Mata Atlantica, in Brazil, could lead to the displacement of grazing pressures elsewhere (Latawiec et al. Nonetheless, one positive form of long-distance connection occurs when the benefits of restoration are not only felt locally, at the spatial scale of the site being restored, but have downstream positive effects at a larger scale (de Groot et al. Long-distance impacts caused by land degradation are hardly considered by national legal orders and even less by the international legal order. Thus, the legal concepts of land degradation and restoration are often constrained to local scales. This perception differs from the existing international legal order and its treaties and conventions for the protection of air and water quality, for example. Such a difference can be partially explained by the fact that land generally falls under state territory and national jurisdiction, despite its transnational characteristics. And despite the existence of general legal instruments, transboundary impacts caused by land degradation are often underestimated and not taken into account by the law (Convention on Environmental Impact Assessment in a Transboundary Context, 1991; European Commission, 2010; Gray, 2000; Johnstone, 2013). Internationally, there is a lack of strong conceptual foundations for building effective international mechanisms. There are first and foremost conceptual and practical issues with the "sovereignty principle", because of the various hurdles it can create for an international organization or a country to investigate the state of land within national borders. Hence the current status of land prevents the development of alternative and legitimate (Bodansky, 1999) forms of ecological governance (Camanho, 2009; Angus, 2007; Woolley, 2015) based on the legal implementation of the concept of ecological solidarity, for example (Naim-Gesbert, 2014; Thompson et al. Ecological solidarity (see Glossary) is a legal concept of French environmental law. It provides a step toward consolidating ecological and social interdependence in biodiversity policy. The idea is that in order to increase the efficiency of conservation measures, the surrounding landscape of the protected area must be integrated. In other words, ecological solidarity "could ensure the protection of the ecological and human dimensions of landscape functioning, where a multitude of (mostly undervalued) services are provided" (Thompson et al. Nonetheless, when countries share common concerns, the protection and sustainable management of land can become an international matter. The Alpine Convention (Dallinger, 1994), signed by the eight Alpine countries (Germany, Austria, France, Italy, Liechtenstein, Monaco, Slovenia and Switzerland) illustrates this idea. Its purpose is to create a common framework to manage and preserve the alpine environment. The convention is based on nine protocols and at least five of them are related to land issues: (i) mountain farming; (ii) mountain forest; (iii) spatial planning and sustainable development; (iv) conservation of nature and countryside; and (v) the most directly land-related soil conservation protocol of 1995. Although the whole mechanism of the Alpine Convention is facing governance and implementation issues, it nevertheless demonstrates that land (and more specifically soils) can be managed at a supranational level. Within this framework, parties have shared their knowledge to elaborate an appropriate text (Balsiger, 2007; Simon, 2011). For instance, the Soil Protocol conveys the definition of soil given by the European Soil Charter of the Council of Europe, by the European Commission and by the German Soil Protection Act (see also Chapter 6, Section 6. Moreover, this example illustrates that, as these alpine countries share a mountain area with specific threats and ecosystems, they have an accurate perception of the consequences caused by land degradation (Desrousseaux, 2014). The progressive recognition of land as a scarce resource Soil protection, in itself, is perceived as a national matter. Land and soil are two different legal objects and only specific threats or types of land are internationally preserved: the threat of desertification, high interest wetlands and natural and agricultural landscapes. International community, supported by soil specialists, have elaborated the concept of "soil security". It is described as an overarching concept of soil motivated by sustainable development and "concerned with the maintenance and improvement of the global soil resource to produce food, fibre and freshwater, contribute to energy and climate 75 2. Security is used here for soil in the same sense that it is used widely for food and water" (Brauch & Spring, 2009; Keesstra et al. It refers to "existential threats for survival [of humankind] and requires extraordinary measures to face and cope with these concerns. Security concepts offer tools to analyse, interpret, and assess past actions and to request or legitimize present or future activities" (Brauch & Spring, 2009). As food or water are already considered security issues, the concept of soil security put soil issues at the same level of importance. For instance, while the right to water has been assigned a constitutional level of protection in most national legal orders (for the highest level possible, see Figure 2. Soil protection, therefore, needs to be developed at the international level (Boer & Hannam, 2004; Desrousseaux et al. Land and soil are frequently ambiguous in law, as they are not clearly separated or made distinguishable. Some institutions are aware of this situation and the European Commission, for instance, has expressively explained why soils should be differentiated from land. However, this communication focuses on the need to protect the soil layer as such, due to its unique variety of functions vital to life" (2006). At a national level, and due to their territorial specificities, some countries have an accurate perception of the scarcity of land and have thus built strong legal frameworks in order to prevent land degradation. For instance, Article 75 of the Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation, specifies that "the Confederation shall lay down principles on spatial planning. These principles are binding on the Cantons and serve to ensure the appropriate and economic use of the land and its properly ordered settlement" (1999).
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