In the sociotechnical systems approach diabetes type 2 test 15 mg pioglitazone overnight delivery, we see the most recent generation of fully developed organizational theory diabetes insipidus kezelése buy discount pioglitazone 15mg on-line, incorporating much of what came before diabetes insipidus fpnotebook pioglitazone 45 mg online, accepting and rejecting or correcting earlier elements diabetic diet 7 day menu pioglitazone 15 mg online, and going beyond the prior theories blood sugar 92 45mg pioglitazone with amex. Who will become the dominant theorists of the upcoming generation is not clear; even less clear is the possible nature of the theories yet to come blood glucose definition pioglitazone 45mg. Management and organizational theory has come a long way blood sugar jumps cheap 15 mg pioglitazone, from the turn-of-the-century world of Taylor to the world of supersonic aircraft and potential nuclear holocaust can diabetes in dogs be misdiagnosed order pioglitazone 45 mg fast delivery. Still, there is no indication that the earlier forms are totally superseded by later developments. Good arguments can be made that such organizations will continue to decrease in number, but it is unlikely that all will ever disappear, simply because circumstances do exist that make such structural forms not only possible but desirable. In all probability, the world is diverse enough that such circumstances will continue to exist. Nor would it be correct to conclude that the more recently developed structural forms are best in any absolute sense; there is no way of knowing what will succeed them, although it would be reasonable to assume that whatever theories follow will be hierarchical in nature and-to some degree- bureaucratic in orientation. Hearings Before Special Committee of the House of Representatives to Investigate the Taylor and Other Systems of Shop Management Under Authority of House Resolution 90. Proceedings of the Fifth Anniversary Convocation of the School of Industrial Management. The human equation in employee productivity (Speech before the personnel group of the National Retail Dry Goods Association). Some social and psychological consequences of the longwall method of coal-getting. Organizational choice: Capabilities of groups at the coal face under changing technologies: the loss, re-discovery and transformation of a work tradition. They provide limits and guidelines for the future development of organizational theory. To provide a comprehensive framework and methods for the development of human resources in an organization 2 To generate systematic information about human resources for purposes of manpower planning, placement, succession planning, and the like; 3 To increase the capabilities of an organization to recruit, retain, and motivate talented employees; and 4 To create a climate that enables every employee to discover, develop, and use his or her capabilities to a fuller extent, in order to further both individual and organizational goals. Performance Appraisal includes identification of key performance areas, target setting, assessment of behavioral dimensions, and self-assessment. Performance analysis focuses on helping the appraisee to understand job-related issues concerning his or her behavior. Potential Appraisal involves identification of critical functions and the qualities required to perform these functions for each role in the organization, measurement of these critical attributes, periodic assessment of employees for potential to perform higher-level roles, and promotion policies. Career Planning and Development Systems usually include identification of career opportunities within the organization, plans for organizational growth, promotion policies, feedback and counseling, job rotation, identification of career paths, and managing of problem employees. Feedback and Counseling Subsystems are sequels to performance appraisal, potential appraisal, and career development. Training is usually concerned with assessment of training needs and policies, dissemination of information about training opportunities, organization of internal training programs, and evaluation and follow up. Reinforcement (usually called reward systems) helps in reinforcing desirable values, attitudes, behaviors, and collaboration in an organization. Organization Development and Research subsystems aim at maintaining and monitoring organizational health; assisting problem departments; helping interested units and departments in self-renewal, conflict management, and creation of strong teams; and establishing processes that promote enabling capabilities in the organization. Management Information systems maintain and update information about skills, capabilities, biographical data, performance appraisals, potential appraisals, and training. First, people working in organizations are regarded as valuable resources, implying that there is a need to invest time and effort in their development. Secondly, they are human resources, which means that they cannot be treated as one treats material resources. These include the roles or jobs in the organization, dyadic units (each consisting of an employee and his or her boss), the various teams in which people work, interteam groups, and the total organization. The main emphasis in the job or role area is on producing pride, so that the individual feels worthwhile. For the dyadic group (the employee and the supervisor), the main focus is on the development of trust and mutuality. The main emphasis in interteam development is on cooperation among various groups and teams. Provide career counseling for people who have achieved maximum growth in organization. This requires realization on the part of the line managers that they have the responsibility to develop and utilize their employees. These capabilities may help in performing existing tasks better or faster or in performing new tasks. The employee should perceive that acquiring new capabilities helps in fulfilling his or her psychological needs. A line manager plays an important role in creating these conditions for subordinates. Each supplements (and supports) what the other does in relation to the development of employees. Encourages employees; provides opportunities to take responsibility and initiative and to learn on the job. Provides continuous coaching and helps employees to develop problem-solving skills. Obtains feedback from subordinates about capabilities acquired during training; discusses opportunities for trying out what they have learned; provides such opportunities. Understands difficulties experienced by subordinates in performing their functions and provides necessary support. Identifies problems hindering performance and communicates these to own supervisor. Provides orientation training for managers about the performance-appraisal system. Analyzes performance data for different units and provides feedback concerning inhibiting factors and facilitating factors. Identifies career opportunities in the organization for each subordinate and assesses capabilities to be acquired. Helps subordinates assess their own capabilities in relation to possible career paths. Prepares a directory of functions and capabilities required to perform them and makes it available to managers. Makes projections about personnel requirements and makes these available to line managers for career counseling. Assists those who have reached a saturation level in the organization with future career planning. Identifies qualities required for higher-level managerial jobs and incorporates into appraisal systems and development work. Does it meet the needs of client systems, or is it focused on what practitioners feel is important Consultants must also be able to move beyond intragroup dynamics (Harris, 1980) to all elements of management, into areas such as organizational culture, strategic planning, and organizational design. They seldom articulate the complexity, interrelationship, and interdependence of the elements of those tasks. Consultants often find it difficult to describe to managers what is going on in the client Originally published in the 1984 Annual: Developing Human Resources by J. Existing consulting and organizational models differ among themselves; the critical element of results is lacking in most, and they do not present a logical, sequential flow of actions that reflect managerial thinking. Furthermore, the models reflect the perspective of the behavioral scientist; as Tichy and Nisberg (1976) point out, the consultant then approaches the task from this perspective. This statement not only specifies the ultimate aims of the organization, but also directs the formulation of strategy and promotes a sense of shared expectations. There is growing evidence that organizations with shared values and a strong culture are more successful. To be effective, the purpose, values, and management philosophy must be clearly stated, communicated, and understood throughout the organization. Deal and Kennedy (1982) and Peters and Waterman (1982) provide fertile starting points for working in this area. Organizational Foundations In order for the management team to operate effectively, the foundations of strategy, structure, staffing, systems, and technology must be supportive and congruent. In addition to the need for the foundations to support the overall purpose and desired results, they must also fit with and support one another. Considerable attention must be paid to the process of developing each of the foundation elements. Ability to contribute in these areas is not based on technical or functional knowledge but rather on the ability to help with the decision-making process; with developing alternatives; with opening up new, creative ways of thinking; and with energizing activity. Consultants can be extremely valuable in sensing and diagnosing and in exploring the impact and the implications of change on the other elements of the model and on various parts of the organization (Harris, 1980). Organization development can help with processes, assumptions, creativity, and open-systems planning. Organization development can help with decisions and planning, readiness for change, transition processes, coordination, and flexibility. Does the selection process fit the management philosophy and plans for future growth and change Organization development can help in human resource planning, establishing processes, management and career development, and assessment. Are there adequate financial, personnel, logistic, and management-information systems Organization development can help in systems establishment, fit, implementation, change processes, communication, and meetings. Organization development can help in assessment of impact, integration of processes, sociotechnical systems, and transition management. Does the organization have the necessary capital, people, equipment, supplies, and information to do what it wants to do The availability of resources will affect management operations and must not be ignored in consulting efforts. This is where most of the work of management happens, where actions are visible, and where results are seen most readily. For most consultants, it is where the excitement and energy are; therefore, it is more fun and more rewarding to concentrate on these elements. The five elements in the sphere of management operations are goals, roles/responsibilities, external interfaces, management processes, and execution. Each subordinate organization translates the overall strategy into shorter-range, measurable objectives. Challenging but achievable goals, collaboratively developed by those responsible for their execution, build commitment and motivation toward their accomplishment. Individual goals must be supportive of organizational goals and, at the same time, satisfy individual needs. Probably the most common contributor to poor teamwork or difficult intergroup relations in organizations is unclear or conflicting roles and responsibilities. Organizations often do not make the necessary effort to determine who should do what and with whom. Consequently, it is often the case that various groups operate with different sets of assumptions and expectations. Failure to delegate the responsibility and authority that are necessary to permit people to adequately perform their jobs is another common problem in this area. An extremely critical, but frequently neglected, function of management is dealing with the external environment or external interfaces. This model emphasizes the necessity for proactive and interactive relationships between the organization and the external agencies on which it depends or that can have major impact on it. Most internal changes are precipitated by shifts in external factors (Burke & Goodstein, 1980). At the core of the managerial world are management processes-daily planning, organizing, directing, problem solving, decision making, communicating, and conflict management. It is this element of management that the consultant should examine first when results are not achieved as desired. The best competitive strategies and new product plans can be wasted if management does not execute them effectively. Successful execution is enhanced by good projectmanagement techniques, efficient work flows and procedures between functional management groupings, adequate and timely information and feedback, and good leadership. The consultant should be attuned to how the desired organizational values, culture, and management philosophy are manifested in the actual management style of the organization. Table 2 is a sample of some specific considerations for examining management operations. Is there monitoring and correction of overlapping, conflicting, or unassigned responsibilities Organization development can help in role clarification, role analyses, responsibility charting, job redesign, and intergroup meetings. Is the organizational environment monitored for opportunities, threats, and changes Is there a proactive response to pressures from owners, unions, competitors, consumers, government agencies, etc. Organization development can help in intergroup activities, responsibility charting, organizational mirroring, open-systems planning, and understanding boundary politics. Considerations in Examining Management Operations 62 the Pfeiffer Library Volume 20, 2nd Edition. Organization development can help in management-team development, process consultation, survey feedback, conflict resolution, and communication processes. Does management work reflect the desired culture, values, and management philosophy of the organization Are there established systems for project management, tracking, reviews, and correction. Organization development can help with sensing and diagnosis, culture and values analysis, improvement of management styles, project management, control systems, reward procedures, and qualityimprovement programs. For most managers "results" means "numbers"-sales, profits, per day amount of inventory shipped, and return on investment. Because quantitative results-movements, yields, new designs, bookings, costs, margins, and so on-will be of greatest concern to most clients, any discussion of results should probably begin at that point. Are the desired results clearly identified and tied directly to the goals that have been set by the organization Are people committed and motivated; do they feel satisfaction in the way they are treated and in what they are doing Does the product or service of the organization meet the specifications of management and the customer How is quality defined and measured, and what is the attitude of the whole organization toward quality Is the organization doing what it set out to do and in a manner that meets its avowed values and philosophy Is what is being done today helping to prepare for the future, or will it undermine future plans Organization development consultants can help management to develop a more complete picture of what the results of its work should be and can support management in determining how to measure results, in defining "good" results, and in deciding what needs to be improved. The model can be used with important subordinate organizations as well as for the total organization, with minor variations. For a subordinate unit such as a divisional profit center, the parent organization will certainly have impact on, and some control over, the foundations (particularly systems) and resources. External interfaces for a division include most of those of the larger organization as well as those activities within the company that are external to the division but provide input or support to it or receive output from it. The model also can be useful in helping managers to recognize the connections among the various elements of the organization and the need for fit among these elements. In addition to the relationships among organizational groups and activities, among systems, and among processes, there are the management relationships. A change in strategy, for example, may have implications for structure, staffing, systems, technology, resources, goals, and roles/responsibilities, as well as external interfaces. Organizational interventions are inherently complex and require a means to display that complexity without oversimplifying or overgeneralizing. As a Diagnostic Tool the model can be used to assess the health of the management group or to assess a specific problem of unknown cause. Backing up in the model to examine management execution revealed problems with management style, project management procedures, and feedback mechanisms. Had the consultant not been using a comprehensive diagnostic process, the assessment might have been stopped at this point and corrective action taken. However, in continuing through the model, the consultant uncovered problems within management processes in planning, information flow, interface, and integration procedures. An examination of the reasons for the unclear roles revealed that basic structural defects were causing most of the other problems and symptoms.
These are not well captured by an oft-used measure of inequality: the Gini coefficient diabetic diet eggs pioglitazone 30mg generic. This summary the changing geography of global income inequality Understanding the dynamics of global inequality also entails looking at the changing geographic distribution (box 3 diabetes mellitus hemoglobin a1c purchase pioglitazone 30mg online. The geographic breakdown of each percentile of the global distribution of income has evolved diabetes insipidus questions order 30 mg pioglitazone with visa. In 1990 Asians were mostly absent from top global income groups one touch diabetes generic pioglitazone 30 mg visa, and massively represented at the bottom of the global distribution (figure 3 diabetes symptoms in legs generic 30mg pioglitazone visa. It is not always clear how much income one needs to belong to different income groups discussed in academic or public debates on inequality diabetes diet vegetarian chart discount pioglitazone 45 mg visa. The same income would place an individual in the top 33 percent in China and in the bottom 22 percent in the United States diabetes type 1 doterra purchase pioglitazone 45 mg free shipping. Population share within each global income group (percent) 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 99 99 diabetes test needles buy cheap pioglitazone 30 mg. Europe was well represented in the upper half of the global distribution but less so in the very top groups. Middle Eastern and Latin American elites were disproportionately among the very top global groups, as they each made up about 20 percent of the population of the top 0. Indians remain Chapter 3 Measuring inequality in income and wealth 115 concentrated at the bottom. Russian earners are also stretched throughout, from the poorest to the richest income groups, in contrast to 1990. Most large European countries followed a more equitable growth trajectory over the past decades than the United States and Asian giants. Available global and African evidence shows that the average income of the top 1 percent of earners is typically 1. The question, as simple as it may be, is difficult to answer due to the dissimilarity of data sources. Applying, to the extent possible, distributional national accounts methods to Africa yields estimates that are more in line with recent ones for developed and emerging countries. New estimates combining survey, fiscal and national accounts data suggest that inequality remains very high in most African countries. The income received by the top 10 percent ranges from 37 percent in Algeria to 65 percent in South Africa, while that received by the bottom 40 percent is at most 14 percent in Algeria and about 4 percent in South Africa. The share of national income received by the top 10 percent is highest in South Africa (65 percent in 2014) and Namibia (64 percent in 2015), while the bottom 40 percent received 4 percent of national income in both countries. For instance, in 2011 the top 10 percent of income earners in Congo received 56 percent, while the bottom 40 percent received 7 percent. In Kenya in 2015 the top 10 percent received 48 percent of national income, while the bottom 40 percent received 9 percent. Income inequality tends to decrease towards the north and the west of the continent. In Sierra Leone in 2011 the top 10 percent received 42 percent of national income, while the bottom 40 percent received 12 percent, and its neighbours show similar income shares. The lowest inequality is in North Africa: In Algeria, the least unequal country in Africa for which estimates are available, the top 10 percent of earners received 37 percent of national income in 2011, while the bottom 40 percent received 14 percent. Heterogeneous trajectories: Inequality trends from 1995 to 2015 There is no single African trend in inequality, not even clear regional trends. Income distributions evolved in a wide variety of ways across countries, which underlines the role of national institutions and policies in shaping inequality. Given the important differences in data quality across African countries, the lack of harmonization of data collection instruments and welfare concepts, and the irregularity of survey availability, comparing inequality trends is a perilous exercise, and the results must be interpreted with great caution. In Southern Africa the dramatic rise of the income share of the top 10 percent occurred at the expense of both the middle and the bottom of the distribution, whose income shares fell. This trend was very much driven by South Africa (by far the most populous country in Southern Africa), which saw a strong increase in income inequality (table 3. For Botswana, Lesotho, Eswatini* and Namibia** inequality fell: the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew at different paces: from 10 percentage points to 88 percentage points more than the average. In East Africa the income share of the top 10 percent fell significantly from 1995 to 2000, and the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew more than the average. Since the beginning of the 2000s, however, the distribution has remained rather stable: Income shares fell only slightly at the top and grew slightly at the bottom (see figure 3. This general trend can be explained by the decline of inequality in two of the most populous countries, Ethiopia and Kenya. The overall decline was drastic in Ethiopia, where the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew 48 percentage points more than the average. In Mozambique** the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew 40 percentage points less than the average, and in Zambia they grew 60 percentage points less. Inequality, as measured by the share of income going to the top 10 percent and to the bottom 40 percent, increased in Southern Africa but fell in East Africa in the late 1990s before stabilizing in the 2000s and stagnated in North, Central and West Africa Between 1995 and 2015 the income share of the top 10 percent in North Africa and West Africa remained relatively stable, while the share of the bottom 40 percent in Southern Africa declined Share of total income (percent) 70 65 15 60 55 50 5 45 40 0 East Africa 10 Top 10 percent Share of total income (percent) 20 Bottom 40 percent 1995 2000 North Africa 2005 2010 West Africa 2015 1995 2000 Central Africa 2005 2010 Southern Africa 2015 Note: Data are weighted by population. Estimates combine survey, fiscal and national accounts data and are derived from panregional distributions; they are not averages of national indicators. Green (red) cells indicate where the income growth rate of the bottom 40 percent was higher (lower) than the average. In North Africa the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew 18 percentage points more than the average from 1995 to 2015. The decline of the income share of the top was driven much more by the very top of the distribution in Tunisia, while inequality stagnated in Morocco and increased modestly in Egypt. In West Africa the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew 25 percentage points more than the average. In Senegal the improvement was mild (the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew only 2 percentage points more than the average). In Mauritania the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew 21 percentage points more than the average. In Nigeria* the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew 19 percentage points more than the average. In Niger inequality fell substantially, as the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew 35 percentage points more than the average. The largest inequality declines were in Burkina Faso, where the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew 93 percentage points more than the average, and Sierra Leone, where they grew 117 percentage points more than the average. No country showed a strong trend in inequality, up or down, especially at the top. Inequality stagnated in Sao Tome and Principe** and decreased markedly in Gabon**, where the average income fell: the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew around 12 percentage points more than the average. Several countries initially opposed it, arguing that only poverty reduction mattered. It seeks to ensure that people in the bottom income groups see growth that is at least as high as the average. While the target is meant to be achieved by 2030, it is useful to look at the past to consider how countries have fared on the indicators relevant to the target. The United States, despite high overall economic growth, the bottom 40 percent of the population has seen pretax income per adult fall by 2 percent, from $13,700 in 1980 to $13,400 in 2017. Ensuring that the bottom 40 percent sees growth that is at least as high as the average may not be enough to contain rising inequalities. Take another example: At the global level, average annual pretax income increased 95 percent (net of inflation) for the bottom 40 percent, from 1,300 in 1980 to 2,500 in 2017, but increased 40 percent overall, from 11,100 to 16,600. Thus, the global bottom 40 percent saw growth that was 45 percentage points higher than the global average. Indeed, it is mathematically impossible for all groups to see growth that is higher than the average. At the global level, those who lost were the middle 40 percent, whose average income rose just over 33 percent, from 11,900 in 1980 to 15,600 in 2016. This shows that ensuring that the bottom 40 percent grows at the same rate as the average may be insufficient for tackling inequality at all segments of the distribution. In China the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew at an impressive 263 percent between 2000 and 2018, which contributed to the fast reduction of extreme poverty Notes 1. For a discussion of the debates surrounding inclusion of the income inequality target, see Chancel, Hough and Voituriez (2018). In China the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew at an impressive 263 percent between 2000 and 2018, which contributed to the fast reduction of extreme poverty and to the decline of the global extreme poverty rate. But that growth was significantly below the average for China (361 percent) and just half the rate of the top 1 percent. From 2007 to 2018, however, the 135 percent growth rate of the bottom 40 percent and the 138 percent average in China were much closer, and the rise of inequality halted (this stabilization could partly reflect data limitations). The more recent period in China is also characterized by wages growing more than output, to the benefit of low-income groups. In India the income growth of the bottom 40 percent-58 percent between 2000 and 2018-was significantly below the average. At the other end of the spectrum the top 1 percent saw their incomes grow significantly more than the average since 2000 and since 2007. In Brazil the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew 14 percentage points more than the average between 2000 and 2018. Income growth between 2016 and 2018 is assumed to be distribution neutral (all groups benefit from average national income growth). In the Russian Federation the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grew more than the average between 2000 and 2018, while the incomes of the top 1 percent grew at a rate close to the average. Income and wealth inequality today remain extreme by global standards, and the recent decline of the top 1 percent has not gone nearly far enough to reverse this. Complementing the bottom 40 percent target with other indicators (such as the income growth rate of the top 1 percent) more fully accounts for the dynamics of growth in a given country. Good performance over a short time may mask a huge increase in income and wealth inequality in the longer run. The income share of the top 1 percent has significantly increased in China, India and the Russian Federation since the early 1980s (figure 3. In Brazil the income share of the top 1 percent has been broadly stable since the early 2000s but at a high level. Inequality and redistribution in Europe and the United States Income inequality in European countries and the United States has risen to varying degrees and at different speeds. These heterogeneous dynamics are linked to different institutional trajectories, policy choices and patterns of inclusive growth. By combining surveys, tax data and national accounts, it has become possible to produce estimates tracking inequality dynamics across individuals from the bottom to the top 0. Since the beginning of the 1980s almost no country considered in the analysis has seen the incomes of the bottom 40 percent grow more than the average (table 3. Growth has been either distributionally neutral or associated with rising inequality. In Norway, Spain, France and Croatia the difference is close to zero: the bottom 40 percent saw their incomes grow at a rate similar to that of the average income. In Norway and France, however, the top 1 percent of incomes grew more than the average, meaning that the income share of the groups in between was squeezed. Income inequality has risen more in the United States than in any other developed country since 1980 Driving the rising inequalities in the United States since the 1980s has been a surge in top incomes combined with little or no pretax income growth among poorer individuals. During that period the average incomes of the bottom 50 percent more than doubled. Accordingly, the share of pretax national income received by the top 10 percent grew from 34 percent to more than 45 percent, and that received by the top 1 percent grew from 10 percent to 20 percent. Accounting for the redistributive effects of taxes and transfers does not change the dynamics. Between 1980 and 2014 the share of post-tax national income received by the top 10 percent grew from 30 percent to about 40 percent. During the same period the post-tax income of the bottom 50 percent grew a meagre 20 percent, driven entirely by Medicare and Medicaid. Only through in-kind health transfers and collective expenditures did the incomes of the bottom half of the distribution rise. Effective tax rates paid by individuals (total taxes paid as a share of total income) have become more compressed. Inequality has increased in a majority of European countries Although inequalities remain lower in Europe than in the United States, European countries have also seen increases in the concentration of income at the top. In 1980 income disparities were generally higher in Western Europe than in Scandinavia and Eastern Europe (figure 3. The gap increased between 1980 and 1990 as income inequality rose in Germany, Portugal and the United Kingdom. As a result, income inequality is higher today in nearly all European countries than at the beginning of the 1980s. Income gaps widened in Italy and Portugal, for instance, but remained stable in Spain and fluctuated in Greece. In Northern Europe and Western Europe, by contrast, income inequality increased more linearly. Eastern Europe is the area where income inequality has risen the most, due to increases at the top of the distribution in the 1990s and the early 2000s. Top income earners have thus been the primary beneficiaries of income growth in Europe since the 1980s. And between 1980 and 2017 the at risk of poverty rate remained stable or rose in most countries. For the more advantaged sections of society, however, total growth rates are markedly higher. While income inequality has increased significantly in Europe, poverty has more or less stagnated. Some 20 percent of Europeans lived on less than 60 percent of the European median income in 1980, compared with 22 percent in 2017. In recent years moderate convergence across countries, due to higher growth in Eastern Europe, has slightly reduced the percentage of people at risk of becoming poor in Europe as a whole, but the trend has been fully offset by rising percentages in other European countries, particularly in Southern Europe. Convergence would be insufficient to address the percentage of people at risk of poverty in Europe: If all countries fully converged to the same average national income, the Europeanwide percentage would remain as high as 17 percent. In 2017 the share of national income received by the top 1 percent in the United States was more than twice as large as that received by the poorest 40 percent. In Europe, by contrast, the share received by the bottom 40 percent exceeded that received by the top 1 percent (figure 3. This was not always the case: In 1980 the share of the bottom 40 percent in the two regions was similar, about 13 percent (figure 3. The divergence in trajectories cannot be accounted for by either trade or technology, which are often invoked to explain the evolution in inequality in developed countries, given that all countries under analysis have been similarly exposed to both. Instead, the difference in inequality dynamics appears to be more the outcome of policy choices and institutional arrangements. The findings reported here allow for a better understanding of the determinants of the differences between Europe and the United States. These differences are due mainly to a rise in pretax inequality (income measured before direct taxes and transfers, see box 3. In 1980 the average income of the top 10 percent was 10 times higher than that of the bottom 40 percent in the United States. For post-tax inequality the ratio rose from 7 to 14 in the United States between 1980 and 2017 and from 8 to 9 in Europe (figure 3. So, the national systems of taxation (which include taxes on income and wealth) and the systems of social transfers (such as disability benefits or housing support) have therefore not enabled the rise in inequalities to be contained either in the United States or in Europe. The combined operation of all the mechanisms acting on pretax incomes enabled Europe to contain the rise of the ratio of the top 10 percent to the bottom 40 percent. Social spending-including mainly public spending on education, health and retirement pensions-plays an important role. Social spending remains markedly higher in Europe than in the United States and the rest of the world. For example, between 1980 and 2017 the minimum wage fell from 42 percent of average earnings to 24 percent in the United States.
Quarantine Station Two per city can provide isolation and quarantine services to inbound and outbound passengers 83 Tier One cities Approaches for Large-Scale Events Community Isolation/Quarantine Teams need to be situated locally diabetes warning signs generic pioglitazone 15 mg without a prescription. Federal Quarantine Stations need to be located in tier 1 cities (those that have airports with more than 1 million travelers blood glucose 350 discount 30mg pioglitazone visa, seaports with more than 100 diabetes treatment quick reference buy pioglitazone 30mg otc,000 travelers diabete tipo 1 purchase pioglitazone 45mg mastercard, or land borders with more than 5 million crossings) diabetic zucchini fries order 15mg pioglitazone visa. Modular Emergency Medical System: Concept of Operations for the Acute Care Center U diabetes cardinal signs cheap pioglitazone 30 mg online. Army Soldier and Biological Chemical Command diabetes prevention studies trusted 15mg pioglitazone, Biological Weapons Improved Response Program diabetes know the signs buy generic pioglitazone 30mg line. Emergency Response Training Necessary for Hospital Physicians/Nurses That May Treat Contaminated Patients. Preparedness Tasks and Measures/Metrics Activity: Develop and Maintain Plans, Procedures, Programs, and Systems Critical Preparedness Tasks Res. Search and Rescue (Land-Based) coordinates with Emergency Triage and Pre-Hospital Treatment to ensure medical care of victims during and after extricated. Search and Rescue (Land-Based) notifies Mass Care of location of people and companion animals encountered during course of search and rescue operations Search and Rescue (Land-Based) notifies Animal Disease Emergency Support of location of livestock, dangerous animals, and injured wildlife encountered during course of search and rescue operations. Search and Rescue (Land-Based) notifies Fatality Management of location of remains encountered during search and rescue operations. Yes (Alive) No Animal Disease Emergency Support Report livestock and dangerous animals Planning Logistics Comm. This capability applies to a wide range of incidents and emergencies, including improvised nuclear devices, toxic industrial chemical scenarios, major earthquakes or hurricanes, and radiological dispersal devices. The primary condition affecting the performance of the capability is whether the incident requires an urban search and rescue or water search and rescue. For urban search and rescue, conditions affecting the performance include the number and size of collapsed structures, number of trapped persons in collapsed structures, and any risks involved for the rescuers (including fire and potential hazardous materials (hazmat) exposure). Trapped victims have the best chance of survival if they are rescued within 72 hours. Urban search and rescue personnel will take into consideration the dangers of contamination and unstable physical structures before entering into an area that may contain surviving victims and will take appropriate safety and protective measures before commencing operations. Hazardous conditions, weather, size of area, scope, access, criminal activity (hazard) determines level of work-area access and efficiency with which areas can be searched for victims. Complexity and circumstances of the entrapment affects the amount of time required to safely access, stabilize, and extricate victim. The level of effort required to restore (or replace) equipment cache items will depend on how heavily they were used and the extent to which they need to be decontaminated/cleaned. This six-member team should be capable of completing an average of one rescue every 30 minutes in a suburban setting and one rescue every hour in rural settings. These times would be semi-dependent on uncontrollable factors such as terrain, weather, road conditions, and distance between rescue sites. Type I Large Animal Rescue Strike Team Type I Small Animal Rescue Strike Team Number of teams ordered will be based on number of rescues anticipated. Approaches for Large-Scale Events During incidents, licensing and certifications need to be national and not restricted by State borders. It involves developing, coordinating, and disseminating information to the public, coordinating officials, and incident management and responders across all jurisdictions and disciplines effectively under all hazard conditions. An alert does not necessarily require immediate actions to protect life, health, and property and is typically issued in connection with immediate danger. A warning requires immediate actions to protect life, health, and property and is typically issued when there is a confirmed threat posing an immediate danger to the public. This information is updated regularly and outlines protective measures that can be taken by individuals and their communities. Disseminate guidance for the public regarding appropriate donation methods and volunteer activities Res. Emergency Operations Center Management approves information for release by Emergency Public Information and Warning. Emergency Public Information and Warning provides information, alerts, warnings, and/or notifications. Citizen Evacuation and Shelter-In-Place provides protective action information or decisions to disseminate. Emergency Public Information and Warning provides information, alerts, warnings, and/or notifications for Isolation and Quarantine. Isolation and Quarantine provides protective action information or decisions to disseminate. Emergency Public Information and Warning provides information, alerts, warnings, and/or notifications related to Mass Prophylaxis. Mass Prophylaxis provides protective action information or decisions to disseminate. Emergency Public Information and Warning provides public announcements for volunteers and donations. Coordinated, accurate, timely public information will be required immediately to inform the public of appropriate protective and self-care actions. Accurate and timely information over time must be distributed to the affected populations to control rumors and minimize psychological effects. All scenarios require that jurisdictions provide timely and accurate public information. Power outages will disrupt radio, television, the World Wide Web, and other power-dependent information outlets. Door-to-door notification would not be feasible given scenario requirements of higher population densities. Implement a public awareness program whenever people are threatened by a serious hazard. Inclusion of liaisons from the various responding agencies will ensure a "one voice" approach and consistency of information released. Emergency public information and warning is dependent on the timely availability of accurate information on the type of threat or hazard presented, as indicated in the Target Capabilities List. An additional factor is the availability and reliability of accurate information that has been verified and is ready for distribution. Approaches for Large-Scale Events Approaches to large-scale events are similar to Emergency Operations Center Management. Public Health Workbook to Define, Locate, and Reach Special, Vulnerable, and At-Risk Populations in an Emergency. Executive Order 13166, "Improving Access to Services for Persons with Limited English Proficiency. Emergency Triage and Pre-Hospital Treatment receives patients from Fire Incident Response Support. Emergency Triage and Pre-Hospital Treatment provides information on, or the location of, potential witnesses to Emergency Public Safety and Security Response, while Emergency Public Safety and Security Response provide patients to Emergency Triage and Pre-Hospital Treatment. Emergency Triage and Pre-Hospital Treatment notifies Fatality Management of the location of human remains or directly transfer these remains to Fatality Management. Emergency Triage and Pre-Hospital Treatment provides patient tracking information to On-Site Incident Management, and they both provide situational reports to each other. Emergency Triage and Pre-Hospital Treatment transfers care of uninjured affected victims to Mass Care. Target Capabilities List 443 Linked Capability Medical Surge Relationship Emergency Triage and Pre-Hospital Treatment transfers medical care of injured victims requiring a higher-level of definitive care during surge to Medical Surge. Non-surge emergency medical care will need to be addressed in a future capability. At any point of an incident or outbreak, there could be spikes or reductions in pre hospital needs. Neighboring States/jurisdictions may resist accepting patients that are contaminated or infectious. The national capacity requirement should focus on maintaining the integrity of the health care system and delivery of health care services to the general population. As the incident wears on through potential multiple phases, relief of medical staff will become necessary. Planning, response, and preparedness activities should focus on reducing morbidity and mortality rates, which will vary based upon the type of agent involved, time, geography, and availability of resources. Non-standard dispatch, triage and treatment criteria will need to be applied due to the huge demands on limited health care resources. Response to the demand for emergency medical services will require an altered standard approach to treatment and transport of injured or ill patients. Professional responders and volunteers may fail to participate as expected due to dual roles in emergency care delivery and/or fear of the unknown. States will have in place trauma and triage protocols identifying transportation of large numbers of victims across regional and State boundaries to assure appropriate distribution of patients. Local, regional and response agencies will have access to specialized medical resources from public/private sector agencies and academia. For Chemical events, assume 100% of exposed population, with 25% of exposed population requiring transport (up to 75% of victims in a major incident will self-transport). For Radiological Dispersion Device events, assume 180 fatalities, 270 injuries, up to 20,000 exposed/ potentially exposed, with 50% of injured requiring transport. For Nuclear events (10 kiloton), assume several hundred thousand victims over thousands of square miles. Best Practices for Hospital-Based First Receivers of Victims from Mass Casualty Incidents Involving the Release of Hazardous Substances. This includes providing definitive care to individuals at the appropriate clinical level of care, within sufficient time to achieve recovery and minimize medical complications. The capability applies to an event resulting in a number or type of patients that overwhelm the day-to-day acute-care medical capacity. Planners must consider that medical resources are normally at or near capacity at any given time. Medical Surge is defined as rapid expansion of the capacity of the existing healthcare system in response to an event that results in increased need of personnel (clinical and non-clinical), support functions (laboratories and radiological), physical space (beds, alternate care facilities) and logistical support (clinical and non-clinical equipment and supplies). Preparedness Tasks and Measures/Metrics Activity: Develop and Maintain Plans, Procedures, Programs, and Systems Critical Tasks Res. Plans to operate without public utilities for 72 hours are in place Plans for the set up, staffing, and operation of alternate care facilities are in place Plans address the treatment of Medical Surge personnel, site staff, and their families. Plans address dissemination of accurate, timely, accessible information to public, media, support agencies A data base to track the status of medical surge resources. Emergency Operations Center Management also provides resources to Medical Surge as needed. Medical Surge capability receives patients from Emergency Triage and Pre-Hospital Treatment. Medical Surge capability receives medical resources from Medical Supplies Management and Distribution. Medical Surge capability receives resources from Critical Resource Logistics and Distribution. Medical Surge receives perimeter security from Emergency Public Safety and Security Response. Medical Surge provides medical personnel to Mass Care (Sheltering, Feeding, and Related Services) to conduct treatment of people in shelters. Medical Surge sends patients to Mass Prophylaxis to receive appropriate protection (countermeasures) and treatment. Staffing and support functions will be more efficient as similar patients are treated at individual facilities. The capacity to maintain, in negative-pressure isolation, at least one suspected case of a highly infectious disease or a febrile patient with a suspect rash or other symptoms of concern who might be developing a highly communicable disease. The capacity to support the initial evaluation and treatment of at least 10 total adult and pediatric patients at a time in negative-pressure isolation. Adequate personal protective equipment to protect current and additional healthcare personnel. Triage done in the field will have a significant impact on the subsequent healthcare surge capacity system. This capability applies to a wide range of incidents and emergencies including accidental or deliberate disease outbreaks, natural disasters, nuclear, chemical, and conventional explosive events. The professionals listed in the following have basic skill sets commensurate with their professional training and experience qualified by professional licensure and/or industry standards. There will be a significant problem locating and providing information on displaced family members as well as victims at treatment facilities. These are community facilities that do not necessarily provide a medical function outside of an emergency, but have the space and access needed to house patients (armories, auditoriums, conference centers, firehouses, etc. Secondary bacterial infections following any mass casualty event will stress antibiotic supplies. There will be critical shortages of healthcare resources such as staff, hospital beds, mechanical ventilators, morgue capacity, temporary holding sites with refrigeration for storage of bodies and other resources. Victims and responder monitoring and treatment may be required over a long time frame. A large number (75 percent plus) of victims could self-present without field triage or evaluation. Hospital logistical stores will be depleted in the early hours from any large scale event. Blood supplies will be taxed and significant regional shortages could materialize quickly following a catastrophic incident. Blood manufacturing, infectious disease-testing, and distribution of tested blood will be problematic. There will be a significant increase and demand for specialty healthcare personnel and beds (biological contagious, burn, trauma, pediatrics) depending on the specific event. A large number of patients may self-refer to a healthcare facility requiring decontamination. Healthcare providers are subject to the effects of disasters and may need decontamination, prophylaxis, or immunization measures before being able to perform their response roles. Public anxiety related to a catastrophic incident will require effective risk communication and may require mental health and substance abuse services. During a catastrophic incident, medical support will be required not only at medical facilities, but in large numbers at casualty evacuation points, evacuee and refugee points, and shelters as well as to support field operations. Sub-State regions are able to provide and sustain medical surge capacity in a large-scale public health emergency or bioterrorism event. Ideally, each sub-State region will contain one acute care hospital, one emergency medical services agency, and one public health department/district and work with a multitude of various public agencies as well as private and faith based groups, all of which would respond to a wide-scale event. Vaccine availability will be insufficient and time to produce additional vaccine unacceptably long. There is a critical need for containment measures to prevent additional disease spread. Specific counter measures such as social distancing, masks, and hand hygiene should be instituted. Because of the limited supply and production capacity, there is a need for explicit prioritization of influenza vaccine based on the risk of influenza complications, the likelihood of benefit from vaccination, role as an influenza pandemic responder, and impact of the pandemic on maintenance of critical infrastructure. Persons of all ages will likely need 2 doses of vaccine, 3-4 weeks apart in order to be protected. Primary prevention including masks, hand hygiene, and social isolation may be the primary mode of preventing the spread of disease if vaccine and viral agents are not available in adequate quantities. Chemical: Most likely route of introduction of a chemical exposure in a mass casualty event will be inhalation. All chemicals are toxic depending on the concentration and time spent in that concentration. Chemical events will result in immediate and potentially life threatening injuries. Appropriate response will rely on rapid decontamination and a locally deployable, pharmaceutical cache. As a rule of thumb, the sooner the onset of symptoms and the higher the dose received the less likely the victim will survive. Generally, invasive (open) procedures should be performed within the first 48 hours on those receiving significant doses of radiation exposure due to follow on progressive immunocompromised state. Critical infrastructure and personnel will be damaged and rendered ineffective for a three mile radius. Tens of thousands will require decontamination and both short-term and long-term treatment. Healthcare facilities and emergency workers in the affected area will be overwhelmed. The effects of the radiation will be prevalent for years creating long term health issues. Healthcare facilities involved in the affected area will have to be replaced and relocated. Triage may identify a significant number of patients who have received lethal doses of radiation with zero chance of survivability who will require palliative care only. There is a lack of palliative care resources and planning for large numbers of victims. Timely and accurate emergency public health information/crisis information news releases are vital for mitigation and prevention of further health issues. Model Trauma System Planning and Evaluation, self-assessment tool for States, Department of Health and Human Services, Health Resources and Services Administration. Outcome Critical medical supplies and equipment are appropriately secured, managed, distributed, and restocked in a timeframe appropriate to the incident. On-Site Incident Management identifies medical resource shortages and issues and communicates this to Medical Supplies Management. Emergency Public Safety and Security Response provides perimeter security for Medical Supplies and Management, including transport, warehouse, and distribution site security.
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The complexity of the state border is associated with the inclusiveness of a politics covering all spheres of society diabetes diet chart 45mg pioglitazone fast delivery, and the desire of the modern state to control in one way or another all transborder relations related to these spheres (political new diabetes definition buy 45mg pioglitazone with amex, so1 About complexity of the real relations between a state diabetes in dogs home remedies buy pioglitazone 45mg on-line, sovereignty and territory: A quetiapine diabetes insipidus pioglitazone 15 mg without prescription. Formal institutionalization of the state border is due to the fact that the law is specific and increasingly important means of implementing the will of the state diabetes protocol program reviews discount pioglitazone 15 mg with mastercard. The degree of regulation by the state of its borders is directly related to the breadth of use of this means diabetes mellitus homeostatic imbalance generic pioglitazone 15 mg visa. The two characteristics of state borders given above are variables treatment diabetes uk generic pioglitazone 30 mg fast delivery, the measure of which has varied between the states of different historical periods and regions diabetes prevention in youth purchase pioglitazone 45 mg amex. It should be emphasized that these permanent and variable features of state borders, in their entirety, serve to clearly distinguish state borders from other social boundaries sufficiently only at a generalized, theoretical level. In reality, the differences between them may be blurred, allowing for the existence of transitional forms. As the state depends on the peculiarities of coexisting and interacting with it other social systems and society as a whole, so the state border is influenced by the properties of a variety of different social boundaries related to it. Historically, it formed on the basis of the intermittent and frontier boundaries of different non-state communities (local clans, tribes and chiefdoms, cultural, religious and economic regions) and emerged through their gradual complication and transformation. In the case of the disintegration or absorption of the state, its borders can be transformed again and develop features associated with other kinds of boundaries. Thus, with all its distinctive characteristics, the state border remains an integral part of a broad class of boundaries of social systems. In the course of their long historical development, they have reached a high degree of specialization in their functions and a tremendous differentiation in their internal structure. One result of this specialization and differentiation is the emergence, in almost all stable and viable modern states, of the special subsystem of the state border. The degree of specialization of state borders within the structure of various states is not identical. It depends on many factors: the political regime and form of government, the level of socio-economic development and social welfare, the length of the border and severity of the borders contradictions. The main indicators of the degree of specialization of the state border system are the proportion and relative role in its management of non-specialized, supreme (the head of state, government, parliament) and related (economic, social and other agencies) institutions versus institutions specialized in the regulation of transborder relations as in the main purpose of their work. If specialized border institutions are directly subject to various non-specialized state bodies, the level of integrity of the system may not be high. Under certain conditions, it could seriously hamper management of the border and reduce the effectiveness of its functioning. In order to improve the integrity of the border system, many states concentrate the most important functions in its management and relations with non-specialized state bodies under the authority of a central higher border institution or a coordinative, inter-agency structure. If we consider the sectoral organization of the state as the separation of branches of power, the state border system is usually a part of the executive branch. The political significance and degree of specialization of the state border system is usually revealed by the level of the institutional hierarchy of the state of which it is part. An indicator of this level may be the status of the central (or coordinating) border institution. In some countries it has the status of a special supreme body of the executive branch (the Ministry), while in most states it is just one of the units (the agency, department, or service) of such a body. The internal structure of a modern state border system is very complex and heterogeneous. It is this complexity and heterogeneity that has led to the emergence of a number of different definitions of the state border. Thus, according to one definition, the state border is understood as a system of formal institutions (functionalist approach), while according to others it is as a system of behavioral practices (informal institutions) (anthropological approach), or as a set of social representations for a third approach (constructivism). If one were to try to give a more com2 For example, in Russia since 2003 such coordinative structure is the State Border Commission. Laine, "Understanding Borders: Potentials and Challenges of Evolving Border Concepts," in Borders and Transborder Processes in Eurasia, ed. The types of elements of the state border system listed above correspond to different types of its structures and spaces (Table 1). The most important and specific component of the state border system are formal roles and institutions, and the linking them structures of activities. As subjects making and implementing management decisions, these institutions (customs, immigration, border guard, informational and health agencies, etc. However, the complexity of the composition of formal institutions, the density and degree of centralization of the structure of their political and administrative activities, and their power relations are quite different in different countries. So, in some emerging states the only formal border institutions are bodies of border guards (or army units) as part of a system of vertical control, while in developed countries this system consists of a range of different agencies related through a variety of subordinative and coordinative relations. Ideological values and legal norms, logically ordered in doctrinal and legislative systems, set long-term goals for the state border and establish the limits of what is permitted in its functioning. The structure of logical relationships of normative and ideological elements of the border system is characterized, above all, by the degree of its integrity and internal consistency. The contradictions in this structure are able to significantly reduce the efficiency of the entire state border system and even lead to its complete disorganization. Like many other social systems, state borders exist not only at the level of explicit, public and documented manifestations, but in an informal, latent level. In particular, along with the formal, one can detect informal roles and institutions, and the linking them structures of everyday practices. The informal component of the state border consists of individual and collective actors, who, while not having legal status, however, have a significant and direct impact on its functioning. This is because the informal component of the border system does not solely consists of civil society actors external to the state apparatus, but also of officials and whole organizations, to the extent that they are involved in informal practices, including corrupt behavior. The composition and structure of relations of informal roles and institutions of the state border (as well as formal) can be evaluated according to the criteria of complexity, density and centralization. Concepts and problems of border studies the official ideology, norms and institutions of the border: it is in terms of this that they can be regarded as informal (extra-legal, supplementing official), semi-legal ("gray", partially contradicting the official) or illegal ("black", essentially, totally at variance with the official)6. On the implicit level of the state border, there are also non-objectified phenomena of cultural and psychological layers of consciousness, unconscious or partly unconscious mass representations, values, stereotypes and their sensual-emotional ties. A special component of the state border system is its material tools and resources and the structure of their physical interactions. This includes both the natural objects (landscapes, relief, water) used to establish and maintain a border system and the artificial objects (checkpoints, border settlements, roads, fortifications, transportation, facilities, weapons, etc. The main criteria for analyzing the composition and structure of the material tools and resources are their complexity, density and centralization. Thus, the state border system is composed of several types of elements and structures of a varied nature. It is provided not only by the fact that all the elements and structures of the state border system are involved in the implementation of its general functions. Between the elements and structures of various types, there are immediate, direct and inverse genetic and functional relations that maintain a necessary degree of mutual similarity or isomorphism. Thanks to these relations, for example, cultural perceptions of the border may find expression within official ideology or legal norms, thus influencing mass behavioral patterns, while the allocation of border infrastructure reflects the organizational structure of border security institutions. The Changing Geographies of the Finnish-Russian Border (Chichester: John Wiley & Sons, 1996). The fact is that a structure is a set of regular reproducible current relationship between elements in a system. The concept of space is broader: it includes both current and potential relations among elements. Each of the five revealed structures of the state border system corresponds to a certain space. At the same time, based on the similarity of their properties, these spaces can be grouped into three major groups: mental, physical and social. The mental space of the state border system is the totality of all mental, objectified and non-objectified, phenomena and relations that are actual and potential conditions for the consciousness activity of actors within the system. The physical space of this system is formed by a set of natural and artificial physical objects and relations that are or may be conditions for the functioning of the border. Intermediate and binding positions between mental and physical spaces of the border make up its social space, and consists of all the physical, mental and social phenomena and relations that are actual and potential conditions for the practices (activities and behaviors) of formal and informal subjects of the state border system. The wide range of functions performed by the modern state border system can be divided into two main groups: constitutive and regulative. The marking function of the state border system materially designates the limits of the state (and also the society and nation) in physical-geographical space. For this purpose, a variety of special symbols (border poles, buoys, signs, images), and large border objects (fences, walls, ditches and ramparts, fortifications, etc. The socializing function of the state border is the symbolic positioning of the state (society) by fixing its existence, and what it differentiates, in mental space. This function is performed by the border system through the formation of values, symbols and images, feelings and emotions, which are disseminated through information and educational channels to help citi- 8 D. Obshchaya metodologiya nauki i metodologiya geografii [The scientific explanation in geography. The general methodology of science and methodology of geography] (Moscow: Progress, 1974). The regulative functions of the state border (by social sphere) Function of the border Political regulation Objects of regulation Transborder relations of political power and influence, their participants, means and resources Transborder movement of material goods, factors of production, objects of exchange and consumption, actors, means and resources Transborder processes of production and reproduction of people as members of society, their participants, means and resources Transborder movement of the phenomena of consciousness, information, knowledge, values, behavioral patterns, its actors, means and resources Examples of regulation Fighting international terrorism or intelligence activities Customs taxation of goods; quotas for the import of foreign labor; harmonization of national sanitary and technical standards Rules of obtaining residency or entering into marriages with foreigners; measures to encourage the educational migration Censorship of imported foreign literature; registration of foreign media Economic regulation Social regulation Cultural regulation Source: compiled by the author zens develop a common identity in relation to those located outside of the state. The functions included within this category can be classified by the objects and by the purposes of regulation. The distinctive quality of the state border, as already noted, is its complexity, i. From this perspective, there are four regulative functions of the state border system (Table 2). Barrier functions aim to increase the closeness of the state and society (in accordance with security priorities). The purpose of contact functions is to increase state and social openness to the outside, the international environment (in accordance with the priority of development). Today it is unusual for barrier or contact regulation to be consistent across all objects and spheres of transborder relations. It is more common for the function of the border system in different spheres to have different purposes. Selecting one of the two main purposes of regulation in its four basic spheres gives a total of 16 different combinations of regulative functions for a single border. State border dynamics the state border system, its composition, and structure can possess a high degree of stability, sometimes to the point of immobility. However, in reality, any state border, even the most immobile, is constantly in the process of changing. A linear dynamic is a series of significant changes in the system, which alters its qualities (typological), and are irreversible. In reality, the cyclical and linear dynamics of state borders are closely intertwined with one another, but they need to be distinguished for both scientific and practical, including management, goals. Concepts and problems of border studies Relatively more attention is given today to the cyclical dynamics of state borders. A particularly important example of these is the so-called "life cycle" of the border. Through a more detailed consideration of these basic phases of the life cycle of a state border, one can discern a number of sub-phases. Thus, the formation phase13 usually begins with the allocation of the state border through military (conquest) or peaceful (colonization) means, assigning authority over a particular area, and spreading the power of the state. The allocation of the border (in the case that it is a border of modern linear type) is followed by a sub-phase of delimitation. In this period, the state border receives international recognition and initial legalization, implying the conclusion of interstate delimitation agreements and the creation of official maps fixing the position of the borderline. However, to complete the formation of the state border, demarcation should be followed by a sub-phase of construction. Construction in this case refers to the creation (both purposeful and spontaneous) of all elements and structures of the border system, necessary for its full operation. The next phase of the life cycle of the state border, called "reproduction", consists of routine performances by the border system of its functions, and may provide the impression of a monotonous, internally homogeneous process. Since changes in transborder relations are rarely of a cardinal, revolutionary character, these management cycles are usually pretty monotonous. The formal (de jure) destruction of the state border occurs due to the liquidation of the legal and ideological foundations of its existence and the dismantling of its institutional structure. At the same time, despite being deprived of its legal status, the former state border persists for a long time as a cultural boundary, manifesting itself in the minds and behavior of members of the various communities. During its life cycle, any state border can be simultaneously involved in a number of linear dynamics. Most of these linear quality changes relate to the individual elements and structures of the border (in particular, the formal-institutional, legal and ideological, and material) and are the result of the state reforms. However, more profound, system-wide changes to the state border usually occur not through purposeful, but spontaneous actions, through a slow process of historical evolution. Such linear quality (typological) changes tend to exceed the life cycle duration of a single border, and even the life expectancy of an individual state or society. Identifying changes in historical types of borders is possible only due to comparative studies of the many boundaries of various states and pre-state communities. One possible historical typology of boundaries, describing their linear evolution from ancient times to the present day, uses three main criteria: 1) the spatial (socio-geographical) form of the boundary; 2) the subject and sphere of boundary regulation; 3) the degree of stability in the configuration of the boundary. These criteria make it possible to identify six successive types of boundaries, each of which corresponds to a particular type of society and its political organization (Table 3). Concepts and problems of border studies this scheme outlining the historical development of boundaries, as shown in Table 3, is very simplistic, of course. It does not reflect the regional and ethno-national features of pre-state societies and states, which over time contribute to the increasingly strong typological differentiation of their boundaries. In fact, the evolution of boundaries is of a multilinear rather than unilineal character, and its main trends at each stage of the historical process embodied a variety of options. The scientific study of the rich and complex linear dynamics of boundaries has just begun. Types of state borders Internal system complexity and the widespread prevalence of modern state borders causes huge variety in their characteristics. Therefore, the development of different classifications and typologies is one of the most important areas of research for border studies. However, despite the progress made, typological descriptions for the existing set of state borders are far from complete. The criteria of the various typologies of state borders often utilize their genesis, the processes of their formation and development. There might be great value in examining the environmental conditions in which a border emerged. In terms of the physical environment of allocation, all state borders can be divided into three main types: land16, marine and air. However, it is far more difficult to describe the variety of conditions pervading in the social environment of allocation. The classical typology of Hartshorne, using this criterion, divided all borders into antecedent borders, i. Allocation can be done without the participation of other states (unilateral borders), or in the course of interaction with at least one other country (bilateral or multilateral border). Because this interaction can be both peaceful (signing the de16 Land borders can be classified in more detail on the characteristics of the landscape. Historical evolution of the boundary (due to the evolution of society)* Typological parameters of boundaries Spatial shape dotted line zone dotted line zone full line dotted line the degree of stability fluctuating expanding expanding expanding stable fluctuating Type of society (and its main political organization) Types of boundary Intermittent Frontier Forepost Limes Linear Transnational Primitive society (community and tribe) Pre-industrial pre-state society (chiefdom) Pre-industrial state society (nome state) Pre-industrial state society (imperial state) Industrial society (nation-state) Post-industrial society (post-state organizations Kireev, "The Historical Typology of Boundaries and Some Peculiarities of Russian Limogenesis," in Borders and Transborder Processes in Eurasia, ed. Concepts and problems of border studies limitation treaty) or not, bilateral and multilateral borders may be either contractual or power-based, respectively. The morphological typology of state borders is based on the structures of different kinds of space, on which the state can engage in border-making. So the borders of natural morphology are molded by the structures of physical (physical-geographic) space, and particularly its orographic and hydrographic differentiation. The borders of social morphology are based on the structures of social space, including areals of ethnic, cultural, religious and other communities, the borders of preexisting states, and so on. Finally, the configuration of borders of mental morphology reflects the structure of mental space, its sign and symbolic differentiation, conventional geometrical, astronomical, and other systems of description and reference. The correspondence of various configurations of borders with structures of particular kinds of space can be used by the state as a means to attract public support, as an argument to justify their military conquests, or as support for a position in negotiations on delimitation. Thus, we can say that there are respectively three types of legitimation for borders. This can be expressed by such parameters as the international legal formalization of the border, whether it is contested and its variability. The absence of international legal registration, a high frequency of border conflicts and wars, and major and frequent changes in the borderline characterize unstable (military) type of border. An initial delimitation, moderate frequency of border conflicts and rare and minor changes in the borderline show the transition to a problematized (disputed) type of border. Finally, implementation of the exact demarcation of the border, the complete or almost complete absence of border conflicts (incidents), longterm immutability of borderline indicate the completion of the formation and appearance of the stable type border. Formal borders consist mainly of sets of state institutions and objectified (ideological and legal) phenomena of consciousness, but are deficient of informal practices, cultural norms, feelings and images, and consequently not root20 Stephan B.
